De Orbe Novo, Volume 1 (of 2)
The Eight Decades of Peter Martyr D'Anghera (2024)

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Title: De Orbe Novo, Volume 1 (of 2)

Author: Pietro Martire d' Anghiera

Translator: Francis Augustus MacNutt

Release date: May 1, 2004 [eBook #12425]
Most recently updated: December 14, 2020

Language: English

Credits: Produced by Ted Garvin, Lesley Halamek and PG Distributed Proofreaders

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DE ORBE NOVO, VOLUME 1 (OF 2) ***

The Eight Decades of
Peter Martyr D'Anghera

Translated from the Latin with Notes and Introduction

By

Francis Augustus MacNutt

In Two Volumes

Volume One

1912

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION

I
II
III
IV
V

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Editions of Peter Martyr's Works
Works Relating to Peter Martyr and his Writings

THE FIRST DECADE

Book I
Book II
Book III
Book IV
Book V
Book VI
Book VII
Book VIII
Book IX
Book X

THE SECOND DECADE

Book I
Book II
Book III
Book IV
Book V
Book VI
Book VII
Book VIII
Book IX
Book X

THE THIRD DECADE

Book I
Book II
Book III
Book IV
Book V
Book VI
Book VII
Book VIII
Book IX
Book X

ILLUSTRATIONS

CARDINAL ASCANIO SFORZA
From the Medallion by Luini, in the Museum at Milan.
Photo by Anderson, Rome.

LEO X.
From an Old Copper Print. (No longer in the book).

INTRODUCTION

I

Distant a few miles from the southern extremity of Lago Maggiore, the castle-crowned heights ofAnghera and Arona face one another from opposite sides of the lake, separated by a narrow stretch of bluewater. Though bearing the name of the former burgh, it was in Arona[1], where his family also possessed a property,that Pietro Martire d'Anghera first saw the light, in the year 1457[2]. He was not averse to reminding his friendsof the nobility of his family, whose origin he confidently traced to the Counts of Anghera, a somewhat fabulousdynasty, the glories of whose mythical domination in Northern Italy are preserved in local legends and have notremained entirely unnoticed by sober history. What name his family bore is unknown; the statement that itwas a branch of the Sereni, originally made by Celso Rosini and repeated by later writers, being devoid offoundation. Ties of relationship, which seem to have united his immediate forebears with the illustrious familyof Trivulzio and possibly also with that of Borromeo, furnished him with sounder justification for some pride ofancestry than did the remoter gestes of the apocryphal Counts of Anghera.[3]

[Note 1: Ranke, in his Zur Kritik neuerer Geschichtsschreiber, and Rawdon Brown,in his Calendar of State Papers relating to England, preserved in the Archivesof Venice, mention Anghera, or Anghiera, as the name is also written, ashis birthplace. Earlier Italian writers such as Piccinelli (Ateneo de'Letterati Milanesi) and Giammatteo Toscano (Peplus Ital) are perhapsresponsible for this error, which passages in the Opus Epistolarum, thatinexplicably escaped their notice, expose. In a letter addressed to Fajardooccurs the following explicit statement: "... cum me utero mater gestaretsic volente patre, Aronam, ubi plæraque illis erant prædia domusque ... ibime mater dederat orbi." Letters 388, 630, and 794 contain equally positiveassertions.]

[Note 2: Mazzuchelli (Gli Scrittori d'Italia, p. 773) states that Peter Martyrwas born in 1455, and he has been followed by the Florentine Tiraboschi(Storia della Letteratura Italiana, vol. vii.) and later historians, including evenHermann Schumacher in his masterly work, Petrus Martyr der Geschichtsschreiberdes Weltmeeres. Nicolai Antonio (Bibliotheca Hispana nova, app.to vol. ii) is alone in giving the date as 1559. Ciampi, amongst modernItalian authorities (Le Fonti Storiche del Rinascimento) and Heidenheimer(Petrus Martyr Anglerius und sein Opus Epistolarum) after carefullyinvestigating the conflicting data, show from Peter Martyr's own writingsthat he was born on February 2, 1457. Three different passages are inagreement on this point. In Ep. 627 written in 1518 and referring to hisembassy to the Sultan of Egypt upon which he set out in the autumn of1501, occurs the following: ... quatuor et quadraginta tunc annosagebam, octo decem superadditi vires illas hebetarunt. Again in Ep. 1497: Egoextra annum ad habitis tuis litteris quadragesimum; and finally in the dedicationof the Eighth Decade to Clement VII.: Septuagesimus quippe annusætatis, cui nonæ quartæ Februarii anni millesimi quingentesimi vigesimi sextiproxime ruentis dabunt initium, sua mihi spongea memoriam ita confrigandodelevit, ut vix e calamo sit lapsa periodus, quando quid egerimsi quisinterrogaverit, nescire me profitebor. De Orbe Novo., p. 567. Ed. Paris, 1587.Despite the elucidation of this point, it is noteworthy that Prof. PaulGaffarel both in his admirable French translation of the Opus Epistolarum(1897) and in his Lettres de Pierre Martyr d'Anghiera (1885) should stillcite the chronology of Mazzuchelli and Tiraboschi.]

[Note 3: The Visconti, and after them the Sforza, bore the title of Conte d'Anghera,or Anghiera, as the name is also spelled. Lodovico il Moro restoredto the place the rank of city, which it had lost, and of which itwas again deprived when Lodovico went into captivity.]

The cult of the Dominican of Verona, murdered by theWaldensians in 1252 and later canonised under the titleof St. Peter Martyr, was fervent and widespread in Lombardyin the fifteenth century. Milan possessed his bones,entombed in a chapel of Sant' Eustorgio decorated byMichelozzi. Under the patronage and name of PeterMartyr, the child of the Anghera was baptised and, sincehis family name fell into oblivion, Martyr has replaced it.Mention of his kinsmen is infrequent in his voluminouswritings, though there is evidence that he furthered thecareers of two younger brothers when the opportunityoffered. For Giorgio he solicited and obtained fromLodovico Sforza, in 1487, the important post of governorof Monza. For Giambattista he procured from theSpanish sovereigns a recommendation which enabledhim to enter the service of the Venetian Republic, underwhose standard he campaigned with Nicola Orsini, Countof Pitigliano. Giambattista died in Brescia in 1516,leaving a wife and four daughters. A nephew, GianAntonio, whose name occurs in several of his uncle'sletters is described by the latter as licet ex transverso natus;he served under Gian Giacomo Trivulzio, and finally,despite his bar sinister, married a daughter of Francesco,of the illustrious Milanese family of Pepoli.[4]

[Note 4: Peter Martyr's will gave to his only surviving brother, Giorgio, hisshare of the family estate, but on condition that he should receiveGiambattista's daughter, Laura, in his family and provide for her: emponiendolaen todas las buenas costumbres y crianza que hija de tal padre merece(Coll. de Documentos ineditos para la Hist, de España, tom. xxxix., pp. 397).Another of Giambattista's daughters, Lucrezia, who was a nun, receivedone hundred ducats by her uncle's will.]

Concerning his earlier years and his education PeterMartyr is silent, nor does he anywhere mention underwhose direction he began his studies. In the educationdeemed necessary for young men of his quality, the exercisesof chivalry and the recreations of the troubadourfound equal place, and such was doubtless the training hereceived. He spent some years at the ducal court ofMilan, but there is no indication that he frequented theschools of such famous Hellenists as Francesco Filelfowho, in 1471, was there lecturing on the Politics of Aristotle,and of Constantine Lascaris whom the reigning duke,Galeazzo Maria Sforza, commissioned to compile a Greekgrammar for the use of his daughter. In later years,when he found his chief delight and highest distinction inintercourse with men of letters, Peter Martyr wouldhardly have neglected to mention such precious earlyassociations had they existed.

The fortunes of the family of Anghera were the reverseof opulent at that period of its history, and the sonsobtained careers under the patronage of Count GiovanniBorromeo. The times were troublous in Lombardy.The assassination, in 1476, of Gian Galeazzo was followedby commotions and unrest little conducive to the cultivationof the humanities, and which provoked an exodusof humanists and their disciples. Many sought refugefrom the turbulence prevailing in the north, in the morepacific atmosphere of Rome, where a numerous colony ofLombards was consequently formed. The following yearPeter Martyr, being then twenty years of age, joined hiscompatriots in their congenial exile. His rank and personalqualities, as well as the protection accorded him byGiovanni Arcimboldo, Archbishop of Milan, and AscanioSforza, brother of the Duke, Lodovico il Moro, assured hima cordial welcome. For a youth devoid of pretensions tohumanistic culture, he penetrated with singular ease andrapidity into the innermost academic circle, over whichreigned the most amiable of modern pagans, PomponiusLætus.

It was the age of the Academies. During the EcumenicalCouncil of Florence, Giovanni de' Medici, fired withenthusiasm for the study of Platonic philosophy, brilliantlyexpounded by the learned Greek, Gemisto, conceivedthe plan of promoting the revival of classical learningby the formation of an academy, in imitation of thatfounded by the immortal Plato. Under such lofty patronage,this genial conception, so entirely in consonance withthe intellectual tendencies of the age, attracted to its supportevery Florentine who aspired to a reputation forculture, at a time when culture was fashionable. TheGreek Cardinal, Bessarion, whom Eugene IV. had raisedto the purple at the close of the Council, carried the Mediceannovelty to Rome, where he formed a notable circle,in which the flower of Hellenic and Latin culture wasrepresented. Besides this group, characterised by atheological tincture alien to the neo-pagan spirit inflimsily disguised revolt against Christian dogma andmorality, Pomponius Lætus and Platina founded theRoman Academy––an institution destined to world-widecelebrity. Pomponius Lætus, an unrecognised bastard ofthe noble house of Sanseverini, was professor of eloquencein Rome. Great amongst the humanists, in him the veryspirit of ancient Hellas seemed revived. What to manywas but the fad or fashionable craze of the hour, was tohim the all-important and absorbing purpose of living.He dwelt aloof in poverty; shunning the ante-chambersand tables of the great, he and kindred souls communedwith their disciples in the shades of his grove of classiclaurels. He was indifferent alike to princely and to popularfavour, passionately consecrating his efforts to therevival and preservation of such classics as had survivedthe destructive era known as the Dark Ages. Denied aname of his own, he adopted a Latin one to his liking, thusfrom necessity setting a fashion his imitators followedfrom affectation. When approached in the days of hisfame by the Sanseverini with proposals to recognise himas a kinsman, he answered with a proud and laconic refusal.[5]The Academy, formed of super-men infected withpagan ideals, contemptuous of scholastic learning andimpatient of the restraints of Christian morality, didnot long escape the suspicions of the orthodox; suspicionsonly too well warranted and inevitably productive ofantagonism ending in condemnation.[6]

[Note 5: His refusal was in the following curt form: Pomponius Lætus cognatiset propinquis suis, salutem. Quod petitis fieri nonpotest.––Valete. ConsultTiraboschi, Storia della Letteratura Italiana, vol. vii., cap. v.; Gregorovius,Geschichte der Stadt Rom in Mittelalter; Burkhardt, Die Kultur der Renaissancein Italien, and Voigt in his Wiederlebung des Klassischen Alterthums.]

[Note 6: Sabellicus, in a letter to Antonio Morosini (Liber Epistolarum, xi., p. 459)wrote thus of Pomponius Lætus: ... fuit ab initio contemptor religionis,sed ingravesciente ætate coepit res ipsa, ut mibi dicitur curæ esse. In Crispoet Livio reposint quædam; et si nemo religiosius timidiusques tractavit veterumscripta ... Græca ... vix attingit. While to a restricted number,humanism stood for intellectual emancipation, to the many it meant therejection of the moral restraints on conduct imposed by the law of theChurch, and a revival of the vices that flourished in the decadent epochsof Greece and Rome.]

From trifles, as they may seem to us at this distance oftime, hostile ingenuity wove the web destined to enmeshthe incautious Academicians. The adoption of fancifulLatin appellations––in itself a sufficiently innocent conceit––wasconstrued into a demonstration of revolt againstestablished Christian usage, almost savouring of contemptfor the canonised saints of the Church.

Pomponius Lætus was nameless, and hence free toadopt whatever name he chose; his associates and admiringdisciples paid him the homage of imitation, proud toassociate themselves, by means of this pedantic fancy,with him they called master. The Florentine, Buonacorsi,took the name of Callimachus Experiens; the Roman,Marco, masqueraded as Asclepiades; two Venetianbrothers gladly exchanged honest, vulgar Piscina for thesignature of Marsus, while another, Marino, adopted thatof Glaucus.

If the neo-pagans were harmless and playful merely,their opponents were dangerously in earnest. In 1468 agrave charge of conspiracy against the Pope's life and oforganising a schism led to the arrest of Pomponius andPlatina, some of the more wary members of the compromisedfraternity saving themselves by timely flight.

Imprisonment in Castel Sant' Angelo and even the use oftorture––mild, doubtless––failing to extract incriminatingadmissions from the accused, both prisoners were unconditionallyreleased. If the Pope felt serious alarm, hisfears seem to have been easily allayed, for Pomponius waspermitted to resume his public lectures undisturbed, butthe Roman Academy had received a check, from which itdid not recover during the remainder of the pontificateof Paul II. With the accession of Sixtus IV., the cloud ofdisfavour that still hung obscuringly over its glories waslifted. Encouraged by the Pope and frequented by distinguishedmembers of the Curia, its era of greatnessdawned in splendour.

The assault upon the Church by the humanists, whichresulted in the partial capture of Latin Christianity, wasably directed. Although the renascence of learning didnot take its rise in Rome, where the intellectual movementand enthusiasm imported from Florence flourished butfitfully, according to the various humours of the successivepontiffs, the papal capital drew within its wallseminent scholars from all the states of the Italian peninsula.Rome was the world-city, a centre from whichradiated honours, distinctions, and fortune. Gifts oforatory, facility in debate, ability in the conduct of diplomaticnegotiations, a masterly style in Latin composition,and even perfection in penmanship, were all marketableaccomplishments, for which Rome was the highest bidder.If classical learning and the graces of literature receivedbut intermittent encouragement from the sovereign pontiffs,both the secular interests of their government andthe vindication of the Church's dogmatic teaching affordedthe most profitable exercise for talents which scepticalhumanists sold, as readily as did the condottieri theirswords––to the best paymaster, regardless of their personalconvictions. There consequently came into existencein Rome a new ceto or class, equally removed fromthe nobles of feudal traditions and the ecclesiastics of theCuria, yet mingling with both. Literary style and theart of Latin composition, sedulously cultivated by thesebrilliant intellectual nomads, shed an undoubted lustreon the Roman chancery, giving it a stamp it has neverentirely lost. They fought battles and scored victoriesfor an orthodoxy they derided. They defended theChurch's temporalities from the encroachments of covetousprinces. Their influence on morals was franklypagan. Expatriated and emancipated from all laws savethose dictated by their own tastes and inclinations, thesemen were genially rebellious against the restraints anddiscipline imposed by the evangelical law. From theFranciscan virtues of chastity, poverty, and obedience,preached by the Poverello of Assisi, they turned with aversionto laud the antipodal trinity of lust, license, andluxury. The mysticism of medieval Christianity was repugnantto their materialism, and the symbolism of its art,expressed under rigid, graceless forms, offended eyes thatcraved beauty of line and beauty of colour. They ignoredor condemned any ulterior purpose of art as a teachingmedium for spiritual truths. To such men, a satire ofJuvenal was more precious than an epistle of St. Paul;dogma, they demolished with epigrams, the philosophyof the schoolmen was a standing joke, and a passagefrom Plato or Horace outweighed the definitions of anEcumenical Council.

The toleration extended to these heterodox scholarsseems to have been unlimited,––perhaps it was not insome instances unmixed with contempt, for, though theylampooned the clergy of all grades, not sparing even thePope himself, their writings, even when not free from positivescurrility, were allowed the freest circulation. Inall that pertained to personal conduct and morality, theydirected their exclusive efforts to assimilating classicalstandards of the decadent periods, ignoring the austerevirtues of civic probity, self-restraint, and frugality, thatcharacterised the best society of Greek and Rome in theirflorescence. These same men lived on terms of closeintimacy with princes of the Church, on whose bountythey throve, and by degrees numbers of them even enteredthe ranks of the clergy, some with minor and others withholy orders. To their labours, the world owes the recoveryof the classic literature of Greece and Rome fromoblivion, while the invention and rapid adoption of theprinting-press rendered these precious texts foreverindestructible and accessible.

Into this brilliant, dissolute world of intellectual activity,Peter Martyr entered, and through it he passedunscathed, emerging with his Christian faith intact andhis orthodoxy untainted. He gathered the gold of classicallearning, rejecting its dross; his morals were abovereproach and calumny never touched his reputation.Respected, appreciated, and, most of all, beloved by hiscontemporaries, his writings enriched the intellectualheritage of posterity with inexhaustible treasures oforiginal information concerning the great events of thememorable epoch it was his privilege to illustrate.

General culture being widely diffused, the pedantic imitationsof antiquity applauded by the preceding generationceased to confer distinction. Latin still held itssupremacy but the Italian language, no longer reputedvulgar, was coming more and more into favour as a vehiclefor the expression of original thought. Had he remainedin Italy Martyr might well have used it, but his removalto Spain imposed Latin as the language of his voluminouscompositions.

Four years after his arrival in Rome, a Milanese noble,Bartolomeo Scandiano, who later went as nuncio to Spain,invited Peter Martyr to pass the summer months in hisvilla at Rieti, in company with the Bishop of Viterbo.In the fifteenth letter of the Opus Epistolarum he recallsthe impressions and recollections of that memorable visit,in the following terms: "Do you remember, Scandiano,with what enthusiasm we dedicated our days to poeticalcomposition? Then did I first appreciate the importanceof association with the learned and to what degree themind of youth is elevated in the amiable society of seriousmen: then, for the first time, I ventured to think myselfa man and to hope that I might become somebody."The summer of 1481 may, therefore, be held to mark hisintellectual awakening and the birth of his definite ambitions.Endowed by nature with the qualities necessaryto success, intimate association with men of eminent cultureinspired him with the determination to emulate them,and from this ideal he never deflected. The remaining sixyears of his life in Rome were devoted to the pursuit ofknowledge, and in the art of deciphering inscriptionsand the geography of the ancients he acquired singularproficiency.

During the pontificate of Innocent VIII., FrancescoNegro, a Milanese by birth, was governor of Rome andhim Peter Martyr served as secretary; a service which,for some reason, necessitated several months' residencein Perugia. His relations with Ascanio Sforza, createdcardinal in 1484, continued to be close, and at one periodhe may have held some position in the cardinal's householdor in that of Cardinal Giovanni Arcimboldo, Archbishop of Milan,though it is nowhere made clear preciselywhat, while some authorities incline to number him merelyamong the assiduous courtiers of these dignitaries fromhis native Lombardy.

The fame of his scholarship had meanwhile raised himfrom the position of disciple to a place amongst the mastersof learning, and in his turn he saw gathering about hima group of admirers and adulators. Besides PomponiusLætus, his intimates of this period were Theodore ofPavia and Peter Marsus, the less celebrated of the Venetianbrothers. He stood in the relation of preceptor ormentor to Alonso Carillo, Bishop of Pamplona, and toJorge da Costa, Archbishop of Braga, two personages ofrank, who did but follow the prevailing fashion thatdecreed the presence of a humanist scholar to be an indispensableappendage in the households of the great. Heread and commented the classics to his exalted patrons,was the arbiter of taste, their friend, the companion oftheir cultured leisure, and their confidant. Replying tothe praises of his disciples, couched in extravagant language,he administered a mild rebuke, recalling them tomoderation in the expression of their sentiments: "Theseare not the lessons you received from me when I explainedto you the satire of the divine Juvenal; on the contrary,you have learned that nothing more shames a free manthan adulation."[7]

[Note 7: Epist. x. Non hæc a me profecto, quam ambobus Juvenalis aliguandodivinam illam, quæ proxima est a secunda, satiram aperirem, sed adulationenihil esse ingenuo fœdius dedicistis.]

The year 1486 was signalised in Rome by the arrivalof an embassy from Ferdinand and Isabella to make theusual oath of obedience on behalf of the Catholic sovereignsof Castille and Leon to their spiritual over-lord, thePope. Iñigo Lopez de Mendoza, Count of Tendilla, ason of the noble house of Mendoza, whose cardinal wastermed throughout Europe tertius rex, was the ambassadorcharged with this mission.[8] Tendilla shone in a familyin which intellectual brilliancy was a heritage, the accomplishmentsof its members adding distinction toa house of origin and descent exceptionally illustrious.Whether in the house of his compatriot, the Bishop ofPamplona, or elsewhere, the ambassador made theacquaintance of Peter Martyr and evidently fell underthe charm of his noble character and uncommon talents.The duties of his embassy, and possibly his owngood pleasure, detained Tendilla in Rome from September 13, 1486,until August 29th of the following year,and, as his stay drew to its close, he pressingly invitedthe Italian scholar to return with him to Spain, an invitationwhich neither the remonstrances nor supplications ofhis friends in Rome availed to persuade him to refuse.No one could more advantageously introduce a foreignerat the Court of Spain than Tendilla. What prospects heheld out or what arguments he used to induce Martyr toquit Rome and Italy, we do not know; apparently littlepersuasion was required. A true child of his times, PeterMartyr was prepared to accept his intellectual heritagewherever he found it. From the obscure parental villageof Arona, his steps first led him to the ducal court ofMilan, which served as a stepping-stone from which headvanced into the wider world of Rome. The papal capitalknew him first as a disciple, then as a master, but thedoubt whether he was satisfied to wait upon laggard pontificalfavours is certainly permissible. He had madewarm friendships, had enjoyed the intimacy of the great,and the congenial companionship of kindred spirits, buthis talents had secured no permanent or lucrative recognitionfrom the Sovereign Pontiff. The announcementof his resolution to accompany the ambassador to Spaincaused consternation amongst his friends who opposed,by every argument they could muster, a decision theyconsidered displayed both ingratitude and indifferentjudgment. Nothing availed to change the decision hehad taken and, since to each one he answered as he deemedexpedient, and as each answer differed from the other,it is not easy to fix upon the particular reason whichprompted him to seek his fortune in Spain.

[Note 8: From Burchard's Diarium, 1483-1506, and from the Chronicle of Pulgarwe learn that Antonio Geraldini and Juan de Medina, the latter afterwardsBishop of Astorga, accompanied the embassy.]

To Ascanio Sforza, who spared neither entreaties norreproaches to detain him, assuring him that during his lifetimehis merits should not lack recognition, Martyr repliedthat the disturbed state of Italy, which he apprehendedwould grow worse, discouraged him; adding that he wasurged on by an ardent desire to see the world and to makeacquaintance with other lands. To Peter Marsus, hedeclared he felt impelled to join in the crusade against theMoors. Spain was the seat of this holy war, and theCatholic sovereigns, who had accomplished the unity ofthe Christian states of the Iberian peninsula, were liberalin their offers of honours and recompense to foreigners ofdistinction whom they sought to draw to their court andcamp. Spain may well have seemed a virgin and promisingfield, in which his talents might find a more generousrecognition than Rome had awarded them. Upon hisarrival there, he showed himself no mean courtier when hedeclared to the Queen that his sole reason for coming wasto behold the most celebrated woman in the world––herself.Perhaps the sincerest expression of his feelings isthat contained in a letter to Carillo. (Ep. 86. 1490):Formosum est cuique, quod maxime placet: id si cum patriaminime quis se sperat habiturum, tanta est hujusce rei vis, utextra patriam quæritet patria ipsius oblitus. Ego quam vosdeservistis adivi quia quod mihi pulchrum suaveque videbaturin ea invenire speravi. The divine restlessness, theWanderlust had seized him, and to its fascination heyielded. The opportunity offered by Tendilla was tootempting to be resisted. Summing up the remonstrancesand reproaches of his various friends, he declared thathe held himself to deserve rather their envy than theircommiseration, since amidst the many learned men inItaly he felt himself obscure and useless, counting himselfindeed as passerunculus inter accipitres, pygmeolus intergigantes.

Failing to turn his friend from his purpose, CardinalAscanio Sforza exacted from him a promise to send himregular and frequent information of all that happened atthe Spanish Court. It is to this pact between the twofriends that posterity is indebted for the Decades and theOpus Epistolarum, in which the events of those singularlystirring years are chronicled in a style that portrays withabsolute fidelity the temper of an age prolific in men ofextraordinary genius and unsurpassed daring, incomparablyrich in achievements that changed the face of theworld and gave a new direction to the trend of humandevelopment.

On the twenty-ninth of August the Spanish ambassador,after taking leave of Innocent VIII.,[9] set out from Rome onhis return journey to Spain, and with him went PeterMartyr d'Anghera.

[Note 9: Dixi ante sacros pedes prostratus lacrymosum vale quarto calendiSeptembris 1487. (Ep. i.)]

II

Spain in the year 1487 presented a striking contrast toItaly where, from the days of Dante to those ofMachiavelli, the land had echoed to the vain cry: Pax,pax et non erat pax. Peter Martyr was impressed bythe unaccustomed spectacle of a united country withinwhose boundaries peace reigned. This happy conditionhad followed upon the relentless suppression of feudalchiefs whose acts of brigandage, pillage, and general lawlessnesshad terrorised the people and enfeebled the Stateduring the preceding reign.

The same nobles who had fought under Isabella's standardagainst Henry IV. did not scruple to turn their armsupon their young sovereign, once she was seated upon thethrone. Lucio Marineo Siculo has drawn a sombre pictureof life in Spain prior to the establishment of order underFerdinand and Isabella. To accomplish the neededreform, it was necessary to break the power and humblethe pretensions of the feudal nobles. The Duke of Villahermosa,in command of an army maintained by contributionsfrom the towns, waged a merciless campaign,burning castles and administering red-handed but salutaryjustice to rebels against the royal authority, and to alldisturbers of public order throughout the realm.

This drastic work of internal pacification was completedbefore the arrival of our Lombard scholar at the SpanishCourt. Castile and Aragon united, internal strife overcome,the remaining undertaking worthiest to engage theattention of the monarchs was the conquest of the unredeemedsouthern provinces. Ten years of intermittentwarfare had brought the Christian troops to the verywalls of Granada, but Granada still held out. Almeriaand Guadiz were in possession of the enemy and over thetowers of Baza the infidel flag proudly floated.

The reception accorded Tendilla's protégé by the Kingand Queen in Saragossa was benign and encouraging.Isabella already caressed the idea of encouraging the cultivationof the arts and literature amongst the Spaniards, andher first thought was to confide to the newcomer the educationof the young nobles and pages about the Court––youthsdestined to places of influence in Church and State.She was not a little surprised when the reputed savantmodestly deprecated his qualifications for such a responsibleundertaking, and declared his wish was to join in thecrusade against the infidels in Andalusia. Some mirth waseven provoked by the idea of the foreign scholar masqueradingas a soldier.

In 1489, King Ferdinand, who had assembled a powerfulforce at Jaen, marched to the assault of Baza, a strongplace, ably defended at that time by Abdullah, knownunder the proud title of El Zagal––the Victorious––becauseof his many victories over the Christian armies he hadencountered. During the memorable siege that endedin the fall of Baza, Peter Martyr played his dual rôle ofsoldier and historian. The Moors defended the city withcharacteristic bravery, for they were fighting for theirproperty, their liberty, and their lives. From Jaen, whereIsabella had established herself to be near the seat of war,messages of encouragement daily reached the King andhis commanders, inciting them to victory, for which theQueen and her ladies daily offered prayers. ImpregnableBaza fell on the fourth of December, and, with its fall,the Moorish power in Spain was forever broken. Smallercities and numerous strongholds in the surroundingcountry hastened to offer their submission and, after thehumiliating surrender of El Zagal in the Spanish campat Tabernas, Almeria opened its gates to the triumphantChristians who sang Te Deum within its walls on Christmasday. Peter Martyr's description of this victoriouscampaign has proved a rich source from which laterwriters have generously drawn, not always with adequateacknowledgment. From Jaen the Court withdrew toSeville, where the marriage of the princess royal to thecrown prince of Portugal was celebrated.

Boabdilla still held Granada, oblivious of his engagementto surrender that city when his rival, El Zagal, shouldbe conquered.[1] We need not here digress to rehearse theoft-told story of the siege of Granada, during whichMoslem rivalled Christian in deeds of chivalry. PeterMartyr's letters in the Opus Epistolarum recount theseevents. He shared to the full the exultation of the victors,but was not oblivious of the grief and humiliationof the vanquished whom he describes as weeping andlamenting upon the graves of their forefathers, with achoice between captivity and exile before their despairingeyes. He portrays his impressions upon entering with thevictorious Christian host into the stately city. Alhambrum,proh dii immortales! Qualem regiam, romane purpurate,unicam in orbe terrarum, crede, he exclaims in hisletter to Cardinal Arcimboldo of Milan.

[Note 1: The Moorish power was at this time weakened by an internal dissension.El Zagal had succeeded his brother, Muley Abdul Hassan, who, at thetime of his death ruled over Baza, Guadiz, Almeria, and other strongholdsin the south-east, while his son Boabdil was proclaimed in Granada,thus dividing the kingdom against itself, at a moment when union was mostessential to its preservation. Boabdil had accepted the protection ofKing Ferdinand and had even stipulated the surrender of Granada as thereward for his uncle's defeat. Consult Prescott's Ferdinand and Isabella.]

Divers are the appreciations of the precise part playedby Peter Martyr in the course of this war. He spentquite as much time with the Queen's court as he did at thefront, and he himself advances but modest claims to war'slaurels, writing rather as one who had missed his vocationamongst men whose profession was fighting. The careerhe sought did not lie in that direction. In later yearswriting to his friend Marliano, he observed: De bello autemsi consilium amici vis, bella gerant bellatores. Philosophisinhæreat lectionis et contemplationis studium.

Glorious as the date of Granada's capture might havebeen in Spanish history, it acquired world-wide significancefrom the decision given in favour of the project of ChristopherColumbus which followed as a consequence of theChristian victory. Though he nowhere states the fact,Martyr must at this time[2] have known the Genoesesuppliant for royal patronage. Talavera, confessor to theQueen, was the friend and protector of both Italians.

[Note 2: Navarrete states that the two Italians had known one another intimatelyprior to the siege of Granada. Coleccion de documentos ineditos,tom. i., p. 68.]

Fascinated by the novelties and charms of Granada,Martyr remained in the conquered city when the Courtwithdrew. His friend Tendilla was appointed first governorof the province and Talavera became its first archbishop.Comparing the city with others, famous andbeautiful in Italy, he declared Granada to be the loveliestof them all; for Venice was devoid of landscape and surroundedonly by sea; Milan lay in a flat stretch of monotonousplain; Florence might boast her hills, but theymade her winter climate frigid, while Rome was afflictedby unwholesome winds from Africa and such poisonousexhalations from the surrounding marshes that few ofher citizens lived to old age. Such, to eyes sensitive toNature's charms and to a mind conscious of historicalsignificance, was the prize that had fallen to the Catholicsovereigns.[3]

[Note 3: In the month of June, 1492.]

What influences worked to prepare the change whichtook place in Peter Martyr's life within the next fewmonths are not known. After the briefest preparation,he took minor orders and occupied a canon's stall in thecathedral of Granada. Of a religious vocation, understoodin the theological sense, there appears to have beenno pretence, but ten years later we find him a priest, withthe rank of apostolic protonotary. Writing on March28, 1492, to Muro, the dean of Compostello he observed:Ad Saturnum, cessante Marte, sub hujus sancti viri archiepiscopiumbra tento transfugere; a thorace jam ad togam metranstuli. In the coherent organisation of society as itwas then ordered, men were classified in distinct and recognisablecategories, each of which opened avenues to theambitious for attaining its special prizes. Spain wasstill scarcely touched by the culture of the Renaissance.Outside the Church there was little learning or desire forknowledge, nor did any other means for recompensingscholars exist than by the bestowal of ecclesiastical benefices.A prebend, a canonry, a professorship in the schoolsor university were the sole sources of income for a man ofletters. Peter Martyr was such, nor did any other roadto the distinction he frankly desired, open before him.Perhaps Archbishop Talavera made this point clear to him.Disillusionised, if indeed he had ever entertained serioushope of success as a soldier, it cost him no effort to changefrom the military to the more congenial sacerdotal caste.

Granada, for all its charms, quickly palled, and his firstenthusiasm subsiding, gave place to a sense of confinement,isolation, and unrest. Not the companionship of his twoattached friends could make life in a provincial town,remote from the Court, tolerable to one who had spentten years of his life in the cultured world of Rome. Themonotonous routine of a canon's duties meant stagnationto his keen, curious temperament, athirst for movementand novelty. His place was amongst men, in the midstof events where he might observe, study, and philosophicallycomment. Writing to Cardinal Mendoza, he franklyconfessed his unrest, declaring that the delights and beautiesof Nature, praised by the classical writers, ended bydisgusting him and that he could never know contentmentsave in the society of great men. His nature craved lifeon the mountain tops of distinction rather than existencein the valley of content. He did not yearn for Tusculum.

To manage a graceful re-entry to the Court was noteasy. To Archbishop Talavera, genial and humane, hadsucceeded the austere Ximenes as confessor to Isabella.The post was an important one, for the ascendancy of itsoccupant over the Queen was incontestable, but, whilePeter Martyr's perspicacity was quick to grasp the desirabilityof conciliating the new confessor, it equally divinedthe barriers forbidding access to the remote, detachedFranciscan. In one of his letters he compared the penetrationof Ximenes to that of St. Augustine, his austerityto that of St. Jerome, and his zeal for the faith to thatof St. Ambrose. Cardinal Ximenes had admirers anddetractors, but he had no friends.

In this dilemma Martyr felt himself alone, abandoned,and he was not a little troubled as to his future prospects,for he was without an advocate near the Queen. He wroteto several personages, even to the young Prince, Don Juan,and evidently without result, for he observed with a tingeof bitterness: "I see that King's favours, the chief objectof men's efforts, are more shifting and empty than thewind." Fortune was kinder to him than she often showsherself to others who no less assiduously cultivate herfavour, nor was his patience over-taxed by long waiting.With the return of peace, Queen Isabella's interest in herplan for encouraging a revival of learning amongst hercourtiers re-awakened. It was her desire that the Spanishnobles should cultivate the arts and literature, after thefashion prevailing in Italy. Lucio Marineo Siculo, alsoa disciple of Pomponius Lætus, had preceded Martyr inSpain by nearly two years, and was professor of poetryand grammar at Salamanca. He was the first of theItalians who came as torch-bearers of the Renaissance intoSpain, to be followed by Peter Martyr, Columbus, theCabots, Gattinara, the Geraldini and Marliano. CardinalMendoza availed himself of the propitious moment,to propose Martyr's name for the office of preceptor todirect the studies of the young noblemen. In responseto a welcome summons, the impatient canon left Granadaand repaired to Valladolid where the Court then resided.[4]The ungrateful character and dubious results of the taskbefore him were obvious, the chief difficulties to be apprehendedthreatening to come from his noble pupils, whoseminds and manners he was expected to form. Restiveunder any save military discipline, averse by temperamentand custom to studies of any sort, it was hardly to behoped that they would easily exchange their gay, idlehabits for schoolroom tasks under a foreign pedagogue.Yet this miracle did Peter Martyr work. The charm ofhis personality counted for much, the enthusiasm of theQueen and the presence in the school of the Infante DonJuan, whose example the youthful courtiers dared notdisdain, for still more, and the house of the Italian preceptorbecame the fashionable rendezvous of younggallants who, a few months earlier, would have scoffed atthe idea of conning lessons in grammar and poetry, andlistening to lectures on morals and conduct from a foreigner.Of his quarters in Saragossa in the first year ofhis classes he wrote: Domum habeo tota die ebullientibusProcerum juvenibus repletam.

[Note 4: In the month of June, 1492.]

During the next nine years of his life, Peter Martyrdevoted himself to his task and with results that gratifiedthe Queen and reflected credit upon her choice. In Octoberof 1492 he had been appointed by the Queen, Continode su casa,[5] with a revenue of thirty thousand maravedis.Shortly after, he was given a chaplaincy in the royalhousehold, an appointment which increased both hisdignity and his income. His position was now assured,his popularity and influence daily expanded.

[Note 5: An office in the Queen's household, the duties and privileges of whichare not quite clear. Mariéjol suggests that the contini corresponded tothe gentilshommes de la chambre at the French Court. Lucio MarineoSiculo mentioned these palatine dignitaries immediately after the twocaptains and the two hundred gentlemen composing the royal body-guard.Consult Mariéjol, Pierre Martyr d'Anghera, sa vie et ses oeuvres, Paris, 1887.]

It would be interesting to know something of his systemof teaching in what proved to be a peripatetic academy,since he and his aristocratic pupils always followed theCourt in its progress from city to city; but nowhere in hiscorrespondence, teeming with facts and commentaries onthe most varied subjects, is anything definite to be gleaned.Latin poetry and prose, the discourses of Cicero, rhetoric,and church history were important subjects in his curriculum.Though he frequently mentions Aristotle interms of high admiration, it may be doubted whether heever taught Greek. There is no evidence that he evenknew that tongue. Besides the Infante Don Juan, theDuke of Braganza, Don Juan of Portugal, Villahermosa,cousin to the King, Don Iñigo de Mendoza, and the Marquisof Priego were numbered among his pupils. Nor didhis personal influence cease when they left his classes.The renascence of learning did not move with the spontaneous,almost revolutionary, vigour that characterisedthe revival in Italy, nor was Peter Martyr of the paganisedscholars in whom the cult for antiquity had underminedChristian faith––else had he not been acceptableto Queen Isabella.

Some authors, including Ranke, have described himas occupying the post of Secretary of Latin Letters.Officially he never did. His knowledge of Latin, in aland where few were masters of the language of diplomaticand literary intercourse, was brought into frequent service,and it was no uncommon thing for him to turn the Spanishdraft of a state paper or despatch into Latin.[6] He refuseda chair in the University of Salamanca, but consented onone occasion to deliver a lecture before its galaxy of distinguishedprofessors and four thousand students. Hechose for his subject the second satire of Juvenal, and formore than an hour held his listeners spellbound under thecharm of his eloquence. He thus described his triumph:Domum tanquam ex Olympo victorem primarii me comitantur.[7]

[Note 6: Talvolta era incaricato di voltare in latino le correspondenze diplomatichepin importanti. I ministri o i lor segretari ne faceano la minuta in ispagnuolo,ed egli le recava nella lingua che era allora adoperata come lingua internazionale.Ciampi, Nuova Antologia, tom, iii., p. 69.]

[Note 7: Opus Epistolarum. Ep. lvii.]

During these prosperous years in Spain, the promisemade to Cardinal Ascanio Sforza was faithfully kept,though the latter's early fall from his high estate in Romediverted Martyr's letters to other personages. With ferventand unflagging interest he followed the swift marchof disastrous events in his native Italy. The cowardlymurder of Gian Galeazzo by his perfidious and ambitiousnephew, Lodovico il Moro; the death of the magnificentLorenzo in Florence; the accession to power of the unscrupulousBorgia family, with Alexander VI. upon the papalthrone; the French invasion of Naples––all these and othersimilar calamities bringing in their train the destruction ofItaly, occupied his attention and filled his correspondencewith lamentations and sombre presages for the future.

He was the first to herald the discovery of the new world,and to publish the glory of his unknown compatriot totheir countrymen. To Count Giovanni Borromeo hewrote concerning the return of Columbus from his firstvoyage: ... rediit ab Antipodibus occiduis Christophorusquidam Colonus, vir ligur, qui a meis regibus ad hanc provinciamtria vix impetraverat navigia, quia fabulosa, quedicebat, arbitrabantur; rediit preciosum multarum rerum sedauri precipue, qua suapte natura regiones generant tulit.Significant is the introduction of the great navigator:Christophorus quidam Colonus, vir ligur. There wasnothing more to know or say about the sailor of lowlyorigin and obscure beginnings, whose great achievementshed glory on his unconscious fatherland and changed theface of the world.

III

In the year 1497 Peter Martyr was designated for adiplomatic mission that gratified his ambition and promisedhim an opportunity to revisit Rome and Milan.

Ladislas II., King of Bohemia, sought to repudiatehis wife Beatrice, daughter of King Ferdinand of Naples,and widow of Matthias Corvinus, King of Hungary. Beinga princess of Aragon, the outraged lady's appeal in herdistress to her powerful kinsman in Spain found Ferdinandof Aragon disposed to intervene in her behalf. It wasto champion her cause that Peter Martyr was chosen to goas ambassador from the Catholic sovereigns to Bohemia,stopping on his way at Rome to lay the case before thePope. In the midst of his preparations for the journeythe unwelcome and disconcerting intelligence that PopeAlexander VI. leaned rather to the side of King Ladislasreached Spain. This gave the case a new and unexpectedcomplexion. The Spanish sovereigns first wavered andthen reversed their decision. The embassy was cancelledand the disappointed ambassador cheated of the distinctionand pleasure he already tasted in anticipation.

Four years later circumstances rendered an embassy tothe Sultan of Egypt imperative. Ever since the fall ofGranada, which was followed by the expulsion of Moorsand Jews from Spain or their forcible conversion toChristianity if they remained in the country, the Mussulmanworld throughout Northern Africa had been kept ina ferment by the lamentations and complaints of thearriving exiles. Islam throbbed with sympathy for thevanquished, and thirsted for vengeance on the oppressors.The Mameluke Sultan of Egypt, aroused to action by thereports of the persecution of his brethren in blood andfaith, threatened reprisals, which he was in a position tocarry out on the persons and property of the numerousChristian merchants in the Levant, as well as on thepilgrims who annually visited the Holy Land. The Franciscanfriars, guardians of the holy places in Palestine,were especially at his mercy. Representations had beenmade in Rome and referred by the Pope to Spain. KingFerdinand temporised, denying the truth of the reports ofpersecution and alleging that no oppressive measures hadbeen adopted against the Moors, describing whateverhardships they may have suffered as unavoidably incidentalto the reorganisation of the recently acquired provinces.His tranquillising assurances were not accepted withunreserved credence by the Sultan. By the year 1501,the situation had become so strained, owing to the knowledgespread through the Mussulman world that an edictof general expulsion was in preparation, that it was decidedto despatch an embassy to soothe the Sultan's angry alarmand to protect, if possible, the Christians within his dominionsfrom the threatened vengeance. For this delicateand novel negotiation, Peter Martyr was chosen. Theavowed object of his mission has been suspected of maskingsome undeclared purpose, though what this may havebeen is purely a matter of conjecture. He was alsoentrusted with a secret message to the Doge and Senate ofVenice, where French influences were felt to be at workagainst the interests of Spain. Travelling by way ofNarbonne and Avignon, the ambassador reached Venicea few days after the death of the Doge, Barbarigo, andbefore a successor had been elected. Brief as was his stayin the city of lagoons, every hour of it was profitablyemployed. He visited churches, palaces, and convents,inspecting their libraries and art treasures; he was enrapturedby the beauty and splendour of all he beheld.Nothing escaped his searching inquiries concerning theform of government, the system of elections, the ship-buildingactively carried on in the great arsenal, and theextent and variety of commercial intercourse with foreignnations. Mention of his visit is made in the famous diaryof the younger Marino Sanuto.[1]

[Note 1: A di 30 Septembris giunse qui uno orator dei reali di Spagna; va alSoldano al Cairo; qual montó su le Gallie nostre di Alessandria; si dice perprepare il Soliano relaxi i frati di Monte Syon e li tratti bene, e che 30 mila.Mori di Granata si sono baptizati di sua volontá, e non coacti.]

Delightful and absorbing as he undoubtedly found it tolinger amidst the glories of Venice, the ambassador wasnot forgetful that the important purpose of his missionlay elsewhere. Delivering his message to the Senate, hecrossed to Pola (Pula), where eight Venetian ships lay, ready tosail to various ports in the Levant. The voyage to Egyptproved a tempestuous one, and it was the twenty-thirdof December when the storm-beaten vessel safely enteredthe port of Alexandria, after a narrow escape from beingwrecked on the rocky foundations of the famous Pharosof antiquity. Christian merchants trading in the Levantwere at that period divided into two groups, one of whichwas under the protection of Venice, the other, in whichwere comprised all Spanish subjects, being under that ofFrance. The French consul, Felipe de Paredes, a Catalonianby birth, offered the hospitality of his house pendingthe arrival of the indispensable safe-conduct and escortfrom the Sultan. In the Legatio Babylonica, Peter Martyrdescribes, with lamentations, the squalor of the once splendidcity of Alexandria, famous for its beautiful gardens,superb palaces, and rich libraries. The ancient capital ofthe Ptolemies was reduced to a mere remnant of itsformer size, and of its former glories not a vestige wasperceptible.[2] Cansu Alguri[3] reigned in Cairo. A manpersonally inclined to toleration, his liberty of action wasfettered by the fanaticism of his courtiers and the Mussulmanclergy. The moment was not a propitious one foran embassy soliciting favours for Christians. The Portuguesehad but recently sunk an Egyptian vessel offCalicut, commercial rivalries were bitter, and the harshtreatment of the conquered Moors in Spain had arousedreligious antagonism to fever pitch and bred feelings ofuniversal exasperation against the foes of Islam.

[Note 2: Writing to Pedro Fajardo he thus expressed himself: Alexandriamsepe perambulavi: lacrymosum est ejus ruinas intueri; centum millium atqueeo amplius domorum uti per ejus vestigere licet colligere meo judicio quondamfuit Alexandria; nunc quatuor vix millibus contenta est focis; turturibus nuncet columbis pro habitationibus nidos prestat, etc.]

[Note 3: Also spelled Quansou Ghoury and Cansa Gouri; Peter Martyr writesCampsoo Gauro.]

From Rosetta Peter Martyr started on January 26th onhis journey to the Egyptian Babylon,[4] as he was pleasedto style Cairo, travelling by boat on the Nile and landingat Boulaq in the night. The next morning a Christianrenegade, Tangriberdy by name, who held the importantoffice of Grand Dragoman to the Sultan, presented himselfto arrange the ceremonial to be observed at the audiencewith his master. This singular man, a Spanish sailor fromValencia, had been years before wrecked on the Egyptiancoast and taken captive. By forsaking his faith he savedhis life, and had gradually risen from a state of servitudeto his post of confidence near the Sultan's person. Tangriberdyavailed himself of the opportunity afforded by hisduties, to relate to the ambassador the story of his lifeand his forcible conversion, declaring that, in his heart, heclung to the Christian faith and longed to return to hisnative Spain. Whether his sentiments were sincere orfeigned, his presence in an influential capacity at theSultan's court was a fortuitous circumstance of which theambassador gladly took advantage. The audience wasfixed for the following morning at daybreak, and thatnight Tangriberdy lodged the embassy in his own palace.

[Note 4: Cairo was thus called in the Middle Ages, the name belonging especiallyto one of the city's suburbs. See Quatremère Mémoires geographiqueste historiques sur l'Egypt. Paris, 1811.]

Traversing the streets of Cairo, thronged with a hostilecrowd curious to view the giaour, Peter Martyr, accompaniedby the Grand Dragoman and his Mameluke escort,mounted to the citadel, where stood the stately palacebuilt by Salah-Eddin. After crossing two courts hefound himself in a third, where sat the Sultan upon a marbledais richly draped and cushioned. The prostrationsexacted by Eastern etiquette were dispensed with, theenvoy being even invited to sit in the august presence.Thrice the Sultan assured him of his friendly disposition;no business was transacted, and after these formalities theambassador withdrew as he had come, a second audiencebeing fixed for the following Sunday.

Meanwhile, the envoys from the Barbary States,who were present for the purpose of defeating thenegotiations, excited the populace by appeals to theirfanaticism, reminding them of the cruelties enduredby their brethern of the true faith at the hands ofSpaniards. They even declared that if Cansu Alguriconsented to treat with the infidels, he was no trueson of Islam. A council of military chiefs was summonedwhich quickly decided to demand the immediatedismissal of the Christian ambassador. Tangriberdy,who sought to alter this determination, was eventhreatened with death if he persisted in his opposition.Remembering that he owed his throne to the Mamelukes,who had exalted and destroyed no less than four Sultanswithin as many years, Cansu Alguri quailed before theoutburst of popular fury. He ordered Tangriberdy toconduct the obnoxious visitor from the capital withoutfurther delay. Peter Martyr, however, received thisintimation with unruffled calm and, to the stupefactionof Tangriberdy, refused to leave until he had accomplishedhis mission. Such audacity in a mild-mannered ecclesiasticwas as impressive as it was unexpected. TheGrand Dragoman had no choice but to report the refusalto the Sultan. By what arguments he prevailed uponCansu Alguri to rescind his command, we know not, but asecret audience was arranged in which Martyr describeshimself as speaking with daring and persuasive franknessto the Sultan. He availed himself in the most amplemanner of diplomatic license in dealing with facts, andsucceeded in convincing his listener that no Moors hadbeen forced to change their religion, that the conquest ofGranada was but the re-establishment of Spanish sovereigntyover what had been taken by conquest, and finallythat nobody had been expelled from the country, savelawless marauders, who refused to abide by the terms ofthe fair treaty of peace concluded between Boabdil andthe Catholic sovereigns. He closed his plea by adroitlyintroducing a scapegoat in the person of the universallyexecrated Jew, against whom it was the easiest part of hismission to awaken the dormant hatred and contempt ofthe Sultan. Into willing Mussulman ears he poured atirade of abuse, typical of the epoch and the nation herepresented: ... proh si scires quam morbosum, quampestiferum; quamque contagiosum pecus istud de quo loquerissit, tactu omnia fedant, visu corrumpunt sermone destruunt,divina et humana preturbant, inficiunt, prostrant miserosvicinos circumveniunt, radicitus expellant, funestant; ubicumquepecunias esse presentiunt, tamquam odori canesinsequunt; detegunt, effundiunt, per mendacia, perjuria,dolos insidias per litas, si catera non seppelunt, extorquereillas laborant: aliena miseria, dolore, gemitu, mestitiagaudent. With every word of this diatribe, the representativeof the Prophet was in perfect agreement. Unitedin the bonds of a common hatred, than which no unionis closer, a treaty between the two powers was easily concluded.The military chiefs were converted to the advantagesof friendly relations with Spain, and means weredevised to calm the popular excitement.

Assisted by some monks of the Mount Sion community,the successful ambassador drafted the concessions he solicited,all of which were graciously accorded by the mollifiedEgyptians. Christians were henceforth to be permittedto rebuild and repair the ruined sanctuaries throughoutthe Holy Land; the tribute levied on pilgrims was lightenedand guaranties for their personal safety were given.It is noteworthy that only religious interests receivedattention, no mention being made of commercial privileges.More noteworthy still, is the absence of anythingtangible given by the adroit envoy in exchange for whathe got. The Sultan was reassured as to the status of suchMoors as might remain under Spanish rule, and was encouragedto count upon unspecified future advantagesfrom the friendship of King Ferdinand. A truly singularresult of negotiations begun under such unfavourable auspices,though the value of concessions, to the observanceof which nothing constrained the Sultan, seems problematical,and was certainly less than the ambassador, in hisnaive vanity, hastened to assume and proclaim.

While the text of the treaty was being prepared, PeterMartyr occupied himself in collecting information concerningthe mysterious land where he found himself. Egyptwas all but unknown to his contemporaries, whose mostrecent information concerning the country was derivedfrom the writings of the ancients. The Legatio Babylonica,consisting of three reports to the Spanish sovereigns, towhich addenda were later made, contains a mass of historicaland geographical facts, of which Europeans wereignorant; nothing escaped the ambassador's omnivorouscuriosity and discerning scrutiny, during what provedto be a veritable voyage of discovery. He treats of theflora and fauna of the country; he studied and notedthe characteristics of the great life-giver of Egypt––theNile. The Mamelukes engaged his particular attention,though much of the information furnished him aboutthem was erroneous. He plunged into antiquity, visited,measured, and described the Sphinx and the Pyramids––alsowith many errors. Christian tradition and piouslegends have their place in his narrative, especially thatof Matarieh––ubi Christus latuerat when carried by hisparents into Egypt to escape the Herodian massacre ofthe Innocents.

On the twenty-first of February, Peter Martyr, escortedby a guard of honour composed of high court officials andrespectfully saluted by a vast concourse of people, repairedto the palace for his farewell audience. In taking anaffectionate leave of him, the Sultan presented himwith a gorgeous robe, heavy with cunningly-wroughtembroideries. Christian and Mussulman were friends.Six days later he left the capital for Alexandria, wherehe embarked on April 22d for Venice.

IV

Leonardo Loredano had meantime been elected Dogein succession to the deceased Agostino Barbarigo. Spanishinterests in the kingdom of Naples were seriouslycompromised, and the diligence of the French envoysthreatened to win Venice from the neutral policy theRepublic had adopted and convert it into an ally ofLouis XII.

On June 30th, Peter Martyr landed in Venice and immediatelysought audience of the new Doge, to whom herepeated the message he had delivered a few monthsbefore to the Senate. Perceiving the headway made byFrench influence, he wrote to Spain, explaining the situationand urging the sovereigns immediately to despatchan embassy to counteract the mischievous activityof the French. He offered, as an alternative, tohimself assume the negotiations if the requisite instructionswere sent to him. King Ferdinand ignored theproffer of service, but, acting upon the information senthim, entrusted the business to Lorenzo Suarez de Figueroa,who had been his ambassador in Venice in 1495.Zealous for his adopted country and, possibly, overconfidentin consequence of his easy success in Egypt,Peter Martyr did not wait for the credentials hehad solicited but made the mistake of treating affairsfor which he had received no mandate. TheFrench envoys were quick to detect his opposition,and as prompt to take advantage of the false positionin which the diplomatic novice had unwarily placed himself.His unaccredited presence and officiousness in thecapital of the Doges were made to appear both offensiveand ridiculous. The adherents of the French partydenounced him as an intriguer, and spread the report thathe was a spy in the pay of Spain. His position speedilybecame intolerable, unsafe even, and he was forced toescape secretly from the city; nor did he stop until hereached his native Lombardy, where he might rely uponthe protection of his kinsmen, the Marshal Trivulzio andthe Borromeos, to shield him from the consequences of hisindiscretion.

He writes with emotion of the visit he paid to his nativetown of Arona and the scenes of his childhood, where herenewed acquaintance with the charms of one of the loveliestlandscapes in Italy. He yielded to early memories,and the gentle dream of one day returning to the shores ofMaggiore, there to pass his declining years, took shape inhis fancy. When peace between France and Spain waslater restored, after King Ferdinand's marriage to thePrincess Germaine de Foix, he obtained the King's intercessionto procure for him the abbacy of St. Gratian atArona. He himself solicited the protection of the Cardinald'Amboise to obtain him this favour, declaring therevenues from the abbacy were indifferent to him, as hewould only use them to restore to its pristine splendourthe falling church in which reposed the holy relics of SS.Gratian, Fidelius, and Carpophorus. The peace betweenthe two countries was too ephemeral to permit the realisationof his pious hope.

The Marshal Trivulzio accompanied his kinsman toAsti and from thence to Carmagnola where they obtainedan audience of the Cardinal d'Amboise, Legate for France.Despite his undisguised hostility to Spaniards, the Legatefurnished the ambassador with a safe-conduct over thefrontier into Spain.

If the Catholic monarchs felt any vexation at the excessof zeal their envoy had displayed in Venice, they betrayednone. Peter Martyr's reception was not wanting incordiality, the Queen, especially, expressing her gratitudefor the important service he had rendered the Christianreligion, and he received another appointment[1] whichaugmented his income by thirty thousand maravedisyearly. Having taken holy orders about this time andthe dignity of prior of the cathedral chapter of Granadafalling vacant, this benefice was also given to him, regiset reginæ beneficentia.

[Note 1: Maestro de los cabelleros de su corte en las artes liberates. He had longexercised the functions of this office, as has been described: the formalappointment was doubtless but a means invented for granting him anincrease of revenue.]

On November 26th in the year 1504, the death ofIsabella of Castile plunged the Court and people intomourning and produced a crisis in the governmentthat threatened the arduously accomplished union of thepeninsula with disruption. None mourned the Queen'sdeath more sincerely than did her Italian chaplain. Heaccompanied the funeral cortège on its long journey toGranada, where the body was laid in the cathedral of thecity her victorious arms had restored to the bosom ofChristendom. During several months, Martyr lingeredin Granada, hesitating before returning uninvited to KingFerdinand's Court. To a letter from the Secretary ofState, Perez Almazen, summoning him to rejoin the Kingwithout delay, he somewhat coyly answered, deprecatinghis ability to be of further service to His Majesty, adding,however, that he asked nothing better than to obey thesummons. Elsewhere, in one of his Epistles, he statesthat he returned to the court at Segovia, as representativeof his chapter, to secure the continuation of certain revenuespaid from the royal treasury to the clergy of Granada.

The political situation created by the Queen's deathwas both perplexing and menacing.[2] Doña Juana, wife ofthe Archduke Philip, inherited the crown of Castile fromher mother in default of male heirs, but her mental stateexcluded the possibility of her assuming the functions ofgovernment. Already during her mother's lifetime, thehealth of this unhappy princess, who has passed intohistory under the title of Juana the Mad, gave rise toserious anxiety. Deserted by the handsome and frivolousPhilip at a time when she most required his presence,she sank into a state of profound melancholy. She waited,in vain, for the return of the husband whom her unreasoningjealousy and amorous importunities had drivenfrom her.

[Note 2: The Infante Don Juan died in October, 1497, shortly after his earlymarriage with the Archduchess Margaret of Austria, and without issue.Isabella, Queen of Portugal, died after giving birth to a son, in whom thethree crowns of Portugal, Castile, and Aragon would have been unitedhad the prince not expired in 1500, while still a child. Doña Juana, seconddaughter of Ferdinand and Isabella and next heir, had married, in 1496,the Archduke Philip of Austria, Duke of Burgundy, and became the motherof Charles I. of Spain, commonly known by his imperial title of Charles V.]

In conformity with the late Queen's wishes, Ferdinandhastened to proclaim his daughter and Philip sovereignsof Castile, reserving to himself the powers of regent. Hewas willing to gratify the archduke's vanity by concedinghim the royal title, while keeping the government in hisown hands, and had there been no one but his absentson-in-law with whom to reckon, his policy would havestood a fair chance of success. It was thwarted by theintrigues of a powerful faction amongst the aristocracy,who deemed the opportunity a promising one for recoveringsome of the privileges of which they had been shorn.

Ferdinand of Aragon had gained little hold on the affectionsof the people of his wife's dominions, hence hisposition became one of extreme difficulty. His opponentsurged the archduke to hasten his arrival in Spain and to assumethe regency in the name of his invalid wife. Rumoursthat Louis XII. had accorded his son-in-law permission totraverse France at the head of a small army rendered theregency insecure, and to forestall the complication of apossible alliance between Philip and King Louis, Ferdinand,despite his advanced age and the recent death of hiswife, asked the hand of a French princess, Germaine deFoix, in marriage, offering to settle the crown of Naplesupon her descendants. To conciliate Philip, he proposedto share with him the regency. Upon the arrival of thelatter at Coruña in the month of May, Martyr was chosenby the King to repair thither and obtain the archduke'sadhesion to this proposal. That the latter had distinguishedthe Italian savant by admitting him to his intimacyduring his former stay in Spain, did not save themission from failure, and where Peter Martyr failed,Cardinal Ximenes was later equally unsuccessful. Ferdinandended by yielding and, after a final interview withhis son-in-law in Remesal, at which Peter Martyr waspresent, he left Spain on his way to Naples, the latterremaining with the mad queen to observe and report thecourse of events.

The sudden death of King Philip augmented the unrestthroughout the country, for the disappearance of thisineffective sovereign left the state without even a nominalhead. Ferdinand, who had reached Porto Fino when thenews was brought to him, made no move to return, confidentthat the Castilians would soon be forced to invitehim to resume the government; on the contrary, he tranquillycontinued his journey to Naples. Rivals, he hadnone, for his grandson, Charles, was still a child, while theunfortunate Juana passed her time in celebrating funeralrites for her dead husband, whose coffin she carried aboutwith her, opening it to contemplate the body, of which shecontinued to be so jealous that all women were keptrigorously at a distance. A provisional government,formed to act for her, consisted of Cardinal Ximenes, theConstable of Castile and the Duke of Najera, but inspiredlittle confidence. Peter Martyr perceived that, besidesFerdinand, there was no one capable of restoring orderand governing the state. He wrote repeatedly to thesecretary, Perez Almazen, and to the King himself, urgingthe latter's speedy return as the country's only salvationfrom anarchy. Events proved the soundness of hisjudgment, for the mere news of the King's landing atValencia sufficed to restore confidence; he resumed theregency unopposed and continued to govern Castile, inhis daughter's name, until his own death.

Doña Juana ceased her lugubrious peregrinations andtook up her residence in the monastery of Santa Clara atTordesillas, where she consented to the burial of herhusband's body in a spot visible from her windows. PeterMartyr was one of the few persons who saw the unhappylady and even gained some influence over her feeble mind.Mazzuchelli states that, at one period, there were but twobishops and Peter Martyr to whom the Queen consentedeven to listen. Now and again the figure of the insanequeen appears like a pallid spectre in Martyr's pages.Her caprices and vagaries are noted from time to time inthe Opus Epistolarum; indeed the story of her sufferingsis all there. The insanity of Doña Juana was not seriouslydoubted by her contemporaries––certainly not by Martyr,whose portrait of her character is perhaps the most accuratecontemporary one we possess. He traces her maladyfrom its incipiency, through the successive disquietingmanifestations of hysteria, melancholia, and fury, brokenby periods of partial and even complete mental lucidity.Such intervals became rarer and briefer as time went on.[3]

[Note 3: The efforts of the historian Bergenroth to establish Doña Juana'ssanity and to depict her as the victim of religious persecution because ofher suspected orthodoxy have been conclusively refuted by Maurenbrecher,Gachard, and other writers, who have demolished his argumentsand censured his methods of research and interpretation. The last mentionof Doña Juana in the Opus Epistolarum occurs in Epistle DCCCII.Peter Martyr describes the visit paid her by her daughter Isabella, who wasabout to be married to the Infante of Portugal. The insanity of theQueen was used as a political pawn by both her husband and her father,each affirming or denying as it suited his purpose for the moment. Thehusband, however, was stronger than the father, for the unhappy Juanawould have signed away her crown at his bidding in exchange for a caress.Consult Hoefler, Doña Juana; Gachard, Jeanne la Folle; Maurenbrecher,Studien und Skizzen zur Geschichte der Reformationszeit; Pedro de Alcocer,Relacion de algunas Cosas; and Bergenroth's Calendar of Letters, Despatches,and State Papers, etc. (1869).]

Upon the death of King Ferdinand in 1516, the regencydevolved upon Cardinal Ximenes, pending the arrival ofthe young King, Charles, from the Netherlands. Thecharacter of Cardinal Ximenes and his methods of governmenthave been extolled by his admirers and condemnedby his adversaries. The judgment of Peter Martyr isperhaps the least biassed of any expressed by that statesman'scontemporaries. His personal dislike of the Cardinaldid not blind him to his qualities, nor dull his appreciationof the obstacles with which the latter had to contend.In the Opus Epistolarum he seeks, not always withentire success, to do justice to the great regent. Throughhis laborious efforts to be fair to the statesman, therepierces his personal dislike of the man. Trivial jibes andsmall criticisms at the Cardinal's expense are not wanting.The writer shared the feeling of the Spanish Grandees,that it was "odious to be governed by a friar." He alsoderided the Cardinal's military spirit. One of the regent'searliest measures suppressed all pensions, but though heexcepted Martyr by name, pending the King's decision,no answer came from the Netherlands; the Italian faredas did other pensioners, and he never forgave the Cardinal.Many of his letters of this period were addressed to hiscompatriot, Marliano, who was the young King's doctor,and were evidently intended for the monarch's eye. Inthese epistles, adverse judgments and censures of CardinalXimenes frequently recur, and the writer used the greatestfrankness in describing men and events in Spain, and evenin offering suggestions as to the King's policy upon hisarrival.

Yielding to the repeated instances of the regent, Charlesfinally set out to take possession of his unknown kingdom.He landed, after a tempestuous voyage, near Gijon, bringingwith him a numerous train of Flemish courtiers andofficials, whose primary interest lay in preventing a meetingbetween himself and the regent, and whose presencewas destined to cause a serious estrangement between themonarch and his Castilian subjects. Their first purposewas easily accomplished. While the Cardinal awaitedhim near Roa, the King avoided him by proceedingdirectly to Tordesillas to visit his mother. This ungraciousand unmerited snub was applauded by Martyr, whodismissed the incident with almost flippant mention; nordid he afterwards touch upon the aged Cardinal's deathwhich occurred simultaneously with the reception of theunfeeling message sent by Charles to the greatest, themost faithful and the most disinterested of his servants.[4]

[Note 4: Consult Héfélé, Vie de Ximenez; Cartas de los Secretarios del Cardinal;Ferrer del Rio, Comunidades de Castilla; Ranke, Spanien unter Karl V.]

During the opening years of his reign, the boy-kingproved a docile pupil under the control of his ministers.[5]Peter Martyr wrote of him: "He directs nothing but ishimself directed. He has a happy disposition, is magnanimous,liberal, generous––but what of it, since thesequalities contribute to his country's ruin?" So reservedwas the royal youth in his manner, so slow of speech, thathis mental capacity began to be suspected. Peopleremembered his mother. The story of the troubledbeginnings of what proved to be one of the most remarkablereigns in modern history, is related in the Opus Epistolarum.The writer watched from vantage-ground theconflict of interests, the strife of parties; zealous for thewelfare of his adopted country, he was still a foreigner,identified with no party. Gifted with rare perspicacity,moderation, and keen judgment, he maintained his attitudeof impartial observation. By temperament andhabit he was an aristrocrat––placet Hispana nobilitas––heconfessed, admitting also that de populo nil mihi curæ,yet he sided with the comuneros against the Crown. Whiledeploring their excesses, he sympathised with the causethey defended, and he lashed the insolence and the rapacityof the Flemish favourites with all the resources ofinvective and sarcasm of which he was master. In oneof his letters (Ep. 709), he describes the disorders everywhereprevalent throughout the country. "The safestroads are no longer secure from brigands and you enrichbandits and criminals, and oppress honest folks. Theruling power is now in the hands of assassins." Despitehis undisguised hostility to the Flemings and his outspokencriticisms on the abuses they fomented, CharlesV. bestowed new honours and emoluments upon thefavoured counsellor of his grandparents. In September,1518, the Royal Council proposed his name to the Kingas ambassador to Constantinople, there to treat with thevictorious Sultan, whose sanguinary triumphs in Persiaand Egypt were feared to foreshadow an Ottoman invasionof Europe. Alleging his advanced age and infirmities,the cautious nominee declined the honour, preferringdoubtless to abide by his facile diplomatic laurels wonin Cairo. There was reason to anticipate that the formidableSelim would be found less pliant than CansuAlguri. The event proved his wisdom, as Garcia Loaysawho went in his stead, learned to his cost.

[Note 5: Guillaume de Croÿ, Sieur de Chièvres, who had been the young prince'sgovernor during his minority, became all powerful in Spain, where he andhis Flemish associates pillaged the treasury, trafficked in benefices and offices,and provoked the universal hatred of the Spaniards. Peter Martyr sharedthe indignation of his adopted countrymen against the King's Flemishparasites. His sympathies for the Comuneros were frankly avowed innumerous of his letters. Consult Hoefler, Der Aufstand der CastillianischenStädte; Robertson, Charles V.]

In 1520, Peter Martyr was appointed historiographer,an office yielding a revenue of eighty thousand maravedis.The conscientious discharge of the duties of this congenialpost, for which he was conspicuously fitted, won theapproval of Mercurino Gattinara, the Italian chancellorof Charles V. Lucio Marineo Siculo speaks of Martyr asfar back as December, 1510, as Consiliarius regius, thoughthis title could, at that time, be given him only in hisquality of chronicler of the India Council, his effectivemembership really dating from the year 1518. He waslater appointed secretary to that important body, whichhad control over all questions relating to colonial expansionin the new world. In 1521 he renewed his efforts toobtain the abbacy of St. Gratian in Arona, which had beenrefused him ten years earlier. To his friend, Giovanni diForli, Archbishop of Cosenza, he wrote, protesting hisdisinterestedness, adding: "Don't be astonished that Icovet this abbey: you know I am drawn to it by love of mynative soil." It was not to be, and his failure to obtainthis benefice was one of the severest disappointments ofhis life. The ambitions of Peter Martyr were neverexcessive, for he was in all things a man of moderation;the honours he obtained, though many, were sufficientlymodest to protect him from the competition and jealousyof aspiring rivals, yet he would certainly not have refuseda bishopric. After seeing four royal confessors raised toepiscopal rank, he slyly remarked that, "amongst somany confessors, it would have been well to have oneMartyr."[6]

[Note 6: "Tra tanti confessori, sarebbe stato ancora bene un Martire," Chevroeana,p. 39. Ed. 1697.]

Arriving in Spain a foreign scholar of modest repute,and dependent on the protection of his patron, the Countof Tendilla, Peter Martyr had risen in royal favour, untilhe came to occupy honourable positions in the State andnumerous benefices in the Church. His services to hisprotectors were valued and valuable. His house, whereeverhe happened for the time to be, was the hospitablemeeting-place where statesmen, noblemen, foreign envoys,great ecclesiastics, and papal legates came together withnavigators and conquerors, cosmographers, colonial officials,and returning explorers from antipodal regions––Spain'sempire builders. It was in such society he collectedthe mass of first-hand information he sifted andchronicled in the Decades and the Opus Epistolarum,which have proven such an inexhaustible mine for studentsof Spanish and Spanish-American history. Truly ofhim may it be said that nothing human was alien to hisspirit. Intercourse with him was prized as a privilegeby the great men of his time, while he converted hisassociation with them to his own and posterity's profit.

Amongst the Flemish counsellors of Charles V., Adrianof Utrecht, preceptor of the young prince prior to hisaccession, had arrived in Spain in the year 1515 as representativeof his interests at King Ferdinand's court.Upon that monarch's death, Adrian, who had meantimebeen made Bishop of Tortosa and created Cardinal,shared the regency with Cardinal Ximenes. A man ofgentle manners and scholastic training, his participationin the regency was hardly more than nominal. Ignorantalike of the Spanish tongue and the intricacies of politicallife, he willingly effaced himself in the shadow of hisimperious and masterful colleague. Peter Martyr placedhis services entirely at the disposition of Adrian, pilotinghim amongst the shoals and reefs that rendered perilousthe mysterious sea of Spanish politics. When Adrian waselected Pope in 1522, his former mentor wrote felicitatinghim upon his elevation and reminding him of theservices he had formerly rendered him: Fuistis a me derebus quæ gerebantur moniti; nec parum commodi ad emergentiatunc negotia significationes meas Cæsaris rebusattulisse vestra Beatitudo fatetur. Although the newlyelected Pontiff expressed an amiable wish to see his oldfriend in Rome, he offered him no definite position inCuria. The correspondence that ensued between themwas inconclusive; Martyr, always declaring that he soughtno favour, still persisted in soliciting a meeting which thePope discouraged. Adrian accepted his protests of disinterestednessliterally, and their last meeting at Logroñowas unproductive of aught from the Pope, save expressionsof personal esteem and regard. Peter Martyrexcused himself from following His Holiness to Rome, onthe plea of his advanced years and failing health. If disappointedat receiving no definite appointment, he concealedhis chagrin, and, though evidently not desiring hisservices in Curia, one of Adrian's first acts upon arrivingin Rome was to invest him with the archpriest's beneficeof Ocaña in Spain. The ever generous King was lessniggardly, and, in 1523, conferred upon Martyr the Germantitle of Pfalzgraf, with the privilege of naming imperialnotaries and legitimising natural children.

On August 15, 1524, the King presented his name toClement VII. for confirmation as mitred abbot of Santiagoin the island of Jamaica, a benefice rendered vacant by thetranslation of Don Luis Figueroa to the bishopric ofSan Domingo and La Concepcion.[7] A greater title wouldhave doubtless pleased him less, since this one linked hisname with the Church in the New World, of which he wasthe first historian. He surrendered his priory of Granadato accept the Jamaican dignity, the revenues from whichhe devoted to the construction of the first stone churchbuilt at Sevilla del 'Oro in that island. Above its portalan inscription bore witness to his generosity: PetrusMartyr ab Angleria, italus civis mediolanensis, protonotariusapostolicus hujus insulæ, abbas, senatus indici consiliarius,ligneam priusædem hanc bis igne consumptam, latericio etquadrato lapide primus a fundamentis extruxit.[8]

[Note 7: The King instructed his ambassador in Rome to propose Luis Figueroato succeed Alessandro Geraldino as bishop of Santo Domingo and Concepcion,and for the vacant abbacy of Jamaica presentareis de nuestra parteal protonotario Pedro Mártir de nuestro Consejo. Dejando tambien Mártirel priorado de Granada que posée, etc. Coleccion de Indias. vii., 449.]

[Note 8: Cantu, Storia Universale, tom, i., p. 900.]

In the month of June, 1526, the Court took up its residencein Granada with Peter Martyr, as usual, in attendance.Before the walls of Moorish Granada he hadbegun his career in Spain; within the walls of ChristianGranada he was destined to close it and be laid to hisfinal rest. A sufferer during many years from a diseaseof the liver, he was aware of his approaching end, andmade his will on September 23,[9] bequeathing the greaterpart of the property he had amassed to his nephews andnieces in Lombardy, though none of his friends and servantsin Spain was forgotten. He devoted careful attentionto the preparations for his funeral; eminently a friendof order and decorum, he left nothing to chance, but providedfor the precise number of masses to be said, theexact amount of wax to be consumed, and the kind ofmourning liveries to be worn by his servants. He askedthat his body should be borne to its grave by the deanand the canons of the cathedral, an honour to which hisdignity of prior of that chapter entitled him; but in orderto ensure the chapter's participation, as he quaintlyexpressed it, "with more goodwill," he set aside a legacyof three thousand maravedis as compensation. Not onlywere his wishes in this and all respects carried out, but thecathedral chapter erected a tablet to his memory, uponwhich an epitaph he would not have disdained wasinscribed: Rerum Ætate Nostra Gestarum––Et Novi OrbisIgnoti Hactenus––Illustratori Petro Martyri Mediolanensi––CæsareoSenatori––Qui, Patria Relicta––Bella GranatensiMiles Interfuit––Mox Urbe Capta, Primum Canonico––DeindePriori Hujus Ecclesiæ––Decanus Et Capitulum––CarissimoCollegae Posuere Sepulchrum––AnnoMDXXVI.[10]

[Note 9: His last will was published in the Documentos Ineditos, tom, xxxix.,pp. 400-414.]

[Note 10: Harrisse, in his Christoph Colomb, fixes upon the 23d or 24th of Septemberas the date of Martyr's death, believing that his last will wasexecuted on his deathbed. There is, however, nothing that absolutelyproves that such was the fact. The epitaph gives but the year. In theDocumentos Ineditos the month of September is given in one place, that ofOctober in another.]

V

Peter Martyr was perhaps the first man in Spainto realise the importance of the discovery made byColumbus. Where others beheld but a novel and excitingincident in the history of navigation, he, with allbut prophetic forecast, divined an event of unique andfar-reaching importance. He promptly assumed thefunctions of historian of the new epoch whose dawn hepresaged, and in the month of October, 1494, he beganthe series of letters to be known as the Ocean Decades,continuing his labours, with interruptions, until 1526,the year of his death. The value of his manuscriptsobtained immediate recognition; they were the onlysource of authentic information concerning the New World,accessible to men of letters and politicians outside Spain.

His material was new and original; every arriving caravelbrought him fresh news; ship-captains, cosmographers,conquerors of fabulous realms in the mysterious west, allreported to him; even the common sailors and camp-followerspoured their tales into his discriminating ears.Las Casas averred that Peter Martyr was more worthyof credence than any other Latin writer.[1]

[Note 1: Las Casas, Histo. de las Indias., tom, ii, p. 272: A Pedro Martyr sele debe was credito que à otro ninguno de los que escribieran en latin, porquese hallo entonces en Castilla par aquellos tiempos y hablaba con todos, y todosholgaban de le dar cuenta de lo que vian y hallaban, como à hombre deautioridad y el que tenia cuidado de preguntarlo.]

No sooner had Columbus returned from his first voyagethan Martyr hastened to announce his success tohis friends, Count Tendilla and Archbishop Talavera.Meministis Colonum Ligurem institisse in Castris apudreges de percurrendo per occiduos antipodes novo terrarumhæmisphærio; meminisse opportet. He was present inBarcelona and witnessed the reception accorded the successfuldiscoverer by the Catholic sovereigns. He, whohad gone forth an obscure adventurer upon whose purposes,and even sanity, doubts had been cast, returned,a Grandee of Spain, Admiral of the Ocean, and Viceroyof the Indies. In the presence of the court, standing, he,alone, by invitation of the sovereigns, sat. The ambassadorsfrom his native Republic of Genoa, Marchisio andGrimaldi, witnessed the exaltation of their fellow countrymanwith eyes that hardly trusted their own vision.

An alien amidst the most exclusive and jealous of occidentalpeoples, Martyr's abilities and fidelity won a recognitionfrom the successive monarchs he served, that wasonly equalled by the voluntary tributes of respect andaffection paid him by the generation of Spanish nobleswhose characters he was so influential in forming. Of allthe Italians who invaded Spain in search of fortune andglory, he was the most beloved because he was the mosttrusted. Government functionaries sought his protection,Franciscan and Dominican missionaries gave himtheir confidence and, after he was appointed to a seat inthe India Council, he had official cognisance of all correspondencerelating to American affairs. Prior to theappearance in Spain of the celebrated Letters of Cortes,Peter Martyr's narrative stood alone. Heidenheimerrightly describes him: Als echter Kind seiner Zeit, war PeterMartyr Lehrer und Gelehrter, Soldat und Priester, Schriftstellerund Diplomat. It was characteristic of the epochof the Renaissance that a man of culture should embraceall branches of learning, thus Martyr's observation extendedover the broadest field of human knowledge.Diligent, discriminating, and conscientious, he was keen,clever, and tactful, not without touches of dry humour,but rarely brilliant. Scientific questions, the variationsof the magnetic pole, calculations of latitude and longitude,the newly discovered Gulf Stream and the maresargassum, and the whereabouts of a possible strait unitingthe Atlantic with the Pacific Ocean, occupied hisspeculations. Likewise are the flora and the fauna ofthe New World described to his readers, as they were describedto him by the home-coming explorers. Pages ofhis writings are devoted to the inhabitants of the islandsand of the mainland, their customs and superstitions,their religions and forms of government. He has tales ofgiants, harpies, mermaids, and sea-serpents. Wild menliving in trees, Amazons dwelling on lonely islands, cannibalsscouring seas and forests in search of human prey,figure in his narrative. Erroneous facts, mistaken judgmentsdue to a credulity that may seem to us ingenuous,are frequent, but it must be borne in mind that he workedwithout a pre-established plan, his chronicle developingas fresh material reached him; also that he wrote at atime when the world seemed each day to expand beforethe astonished eyes of men, revealing magic isles floatingon unknown seas, vaster horizons in whose heavens novelconstellations gleamed; mysterious ocean currents, flowingwhence no man knew, to break upon the shores of immensecontinents inhabited by strange races, living amidst conditionsof fabulous wealth and incredible barbarism. Thelimits of the possible receded, discrimination betweentruth and fiction became purely speculative, since newdata, uninterruptedly supplied, contradicted former experienceand invalidated accepted theories. The Decadeswere compiled from verbal and written reports fromsources the writer was warranted in trusting.

Since geographical surprises are now exhausted, and thedivision of land and water on the earth's surface haspassed from the sphere of navigation into that of politics,no writer will ever again have such material at his disposition.The arrival of his letters in Italy was eagerly awaitedand constituted a literary event of the first magnitude.Popes sent him messages urging him to continue, the Kingof Naples borrowed copies from Cardinal Sforza, and thecontents of these romantic chronicles furnished the mostwelcome staple of conversation in palaces and universities.Leo X. had them read aloud during supper, in the presenceof his sister and a chosen group of cardinals. It must benoted that the form of the Decades did not escape criticismat the pontifical court, nor did the censures, passedon the liberties he took with the tongue of Cicero, failto reach and sting his ears. In several passages, hedefends his use of words taken from the Italian andSpanish languages. He handled Latin as a living, notas a dead language, and his style is vigorous, terse, vitalised.He cultivated brevity and was chary of lengthyexcursions into the classics in search of comparisons andsanctions. His letters frequently show signs of the hastein which they were composed: sometimes the messengerwho was to carry them to Rome, was waiting, booted andspurred, in the ante-chamber. Juan Vergara, secretaryto Cardinal Ximenes, declared his opinion that no moreexact and lucid record of contemporary events existedthan the letters of Peter Martyr, adding that he had himselfoften been present and witnessed with what hastethey were written, no care being taken to correct andpolish their style.

The cultivated ears of Ciceronian Latinists––such asCardinal Bembo who refused to read the Vulgate for fearof spoiling his style––were naturally offended by thephraseology of the Decades. Measured by standards soprecious, the Latin of Peter Martyr is faulty and crude,resembling rather a modern dialect than the classicaltongue of ancient Rome.[2]

[Note 2: Ciampi's comment is accurate and just: Non si, puo dire che sia unlatino bellisimo. E quale lo parlavano e scriveano gli uomini d'affari. A noié, pero, men discaro che non sia ai forestieri, in quanta che noi troviamodentro il movimento, il frassegiare proprio della nostra lingua, e sotto la fraseincolta latina, indoviniamo il pensiero nato in italiano che, spogliato da noidella veste imbarazzanta ci ritorna ignudo si, ma schietto ed efficace.]

It is their substance, not their form, that gives Martyr'swritings their value, though his facile style is not devoidof elegance, if measured by other than severely classicalstandards. Not as a man of letters, but as an historiandoes he enjoy the perennial honour to which in life heaspired. Observation is the foundation of history, andMartyr was pre-eminently a keen and discriminatingobserver, a diligent and conscientious chronicler of theevents he observed, hence are the laurels of the historianequitably his. Similar to the hasty entries in a journal,daily written, his letters possess an unstudied freshness,a convincing actuality, that would undoubtedly have beenmarred by the retouching required to perfect their literarystyle. The reproach of carelessness in neglecting to systematisehis manuscripts applies more to the collection inthe Opus Epistolarum than to the letters composing theDecades which we are especially considering, and likewisein the former work are found those qualities of lightnessand frivolity, justifying Sir Arthur Helps's description ofhim as a gossipy man of letters, reminding English readersoccasionally of Horace Walpole and Mr. Pepys. Hakluytpraised his descriptions of natural phenomena as excellingthose penned by Aristotle, Pliny, Theophrastus, andColumella.[3]

[Note 3: Lebrija praised Martyr's verses, declaring him to be the best poetamongst the Italians in Spain. One of his poems, Pluto Furens, was dedicatedto Alexander VI., whom he cordially detested and whose election tothe papal chair he deplored. Unfortunately none of his poems has beenpreserved.]

After a period of partial oblivion, Alexander von Humboldt,in the early years of the nineteenth century, rediscoveredthe neglected merits of our author and, by hisenlightened criticism and commentaries, restored to hiswritings the consideration they had originally enjoyed.Ratified by Prescott, Humboldt's judgment has beenconfirmed by all subsequent historians.

No further claim is made for this present translation ofthe Decades than fidelity and lucidity. Its purpose is torender more easily accessible to English readers, unfamiliarwith the original Latin, the earliest historical work on theNew World.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

EDITIONS OF PETER MARTYR'S WORKS

P. Martyris Angli [sic] mediolanensis opera. Legatio Babylonica,Oceani Decas, Poemata, Epigrammata. Cum privilegio.Impressum Hispali cum summa diligentia per Jacobum CorumbergerAlemanum, anno millesimo quingentessimo XI, mensevero Aprili, in fol.

This Gothic edition contains only the First Decade.

Two Italian books compiled from the writings of PeterMartyr antedate the above edition of 1511. Angelo Trevisan,secretary to the Venetian ambassador in Spain, forwarded toDomenico Malipiero certain material which he admitted havingobtained from a personal friend of Columbus, who wentas envoy to the Sultan of Egypt. The reference to PeterMartyr is sufficiently clear. The work of Trevisan appeared in1504 under the title, Libretto di tutta la navigazione del re diSpagna de le isole et terreni novamente trovati. Published byAlbertino Vercellese da Lisbona. Three years later, in 1507,a compilation containing parts of this same work was printedat Vicenza by Fracanzio, at Milan by Arcangelo Madrignanoin 1508, and at Basle and Paris by Simon Gryneo. The volumewas entitled Paesi novamente ritrovati et Novo Mondo, etc.Peter Martyr attributed the piracy to Aloisio da Cadamosto,whom he consequently scathingly denounces in the seventhbook of the Second Decade.

In the year 1516 the first edition of the Decades, De rebusoceanis et Orbe Novo Decades tres, etc., was printed at Alcaláde Henares under the supervision of Peter Martyr's friend,the eminent Latinist, Antonio de Nebrija, who even took careto polish the author's Latin where the composition fell short ofhis own exacting standard. Cura et diligentia Antonii Nebrissensisfuerent hæ tres protonotari Petri Martyris decades impressasin contubernio Arnaldi Guillelmi in illustri oppidoCarpetanæ provinciæ, compluto quod vulgariter dicitur Alcalà.Factum est nonis Novembris, anno 1516 in fol. The appearanceof this edition had the character of a veritable literary eventand the success of the work was immediate and widespread.The narrative covered a period of somewhat more than twentyyears, beginning with the first expedition of Columbus.

Four years later a Fourth Decade was published by its author,this being the last work he gave to the press during his lifetime.The earliest known copy was printed in Basle in 1521, thetitle being De insulis nuper repertis simultaque incolarum moribus.An Italian and a German edition of the same in 1520are noted by Harrisse. (Consult Bibliotheca AmericanaVetustissima, p. 77, Additions, p. 80.)

De Insulis nuper inventis Ferdinandi Cortesii ad CarolumV. Rom. Imperatorem Narrationes, cum alio quodam PetriMartyris ad Clementem VII. Pontificem Maximum consimilisargumenti libello. Coloniæ ex officina Melchioris Novesiani,anno MDXXXII. Decimo Kalendar Septembris.

The Fourth Decade under the title, De Insulis nuper inventis,etc., was republished in Basle in 1533 and again in Antwerp in1536.

De Legatione Babylonica, Parisiis, 1532, contains also thefirst three Decades. Mazzuchelli mentions an edition of theeight Decades published in Paris in 1536.

De Orbe Novo Petri Martyris ab Angleria, mediolanensisprotonotarii Cæsaris senatoris Decades. Cum privilegio imperiali.Compluti apud Michælem d'Eguia, anno MDXXX, in fol.

De rebus Oceanicis et Novo Orbe Decades tres Petri Martyresab Angheria Mediolanensis, item ejusdem de BabylonicaLegationis libri ires. Et item, De Rebus Æthiopicis, etc.Coloniæ, apud Gervinum Caleniumet hæredes Quentelios.MDLXXIIII.

De Orbe Novo Petri Martyris Anglerii mediolanensis, protonotariiet Caroli quinti Senatoris, decades octo, diligente temporumobservatione et utilissimis annotationibus illustratæ,suoque nitore restitæ labore et industria Richardi HakluytiOxoniensis, Arngli. Parisiis apud Guillelmum Auvray, 1587.

This edition is dedicated to Sir Walter Raleigh: "illustri etmagannimo viro Gualtero Ralegho."

An exceedingly rare and precious book published in Venicein 1534 contains extracts from the writings of Peter Martyr.It bears the title: Libro primo della historia dell' Indie Occidentali.Summario de la generate historia dell' Indie Occidentalicavato da libri scritti dal Signer Don Pietro Martyre, etc., Venezia,1534. Under the same title this summario is published in thethird volume of Ramusio, Delle Navigationi et Viaggi.

An Italian translation of De Legatione Babylonica entitledPietro Martyre Milanese, delle cose notabile dell' Egitto, tradottodalla Lingue Latina in Lingua Italiana da Carlo Passi. InVenezia 1564.

Novus Orbis, idest navigationes primæ in Americam. Roterodamiper Jo. Leonardum Berevout, 1616. A French translationof this work was printed in Paris by Simon de Colimar,Extrait ou Recueil des Iles nouvellement trouvées en la grande MerOcéane au temps du Roy d'Espagne Ferdinand et Elizabeth, etc.

The history of Travayle in the West and East Indies, and othercountries lying eyther way towardes the fruitfull and rich Moluccæs.With a discourse on the Northwest passage. Done intoEnglish by Richarde Eden. Newly set in order, augmentedand finished by Richarde Willes. London, 1577. RichardeJugge.

Republished in Edward Arber's work, The First Three EnglishBooks on America, Birmingham, 1885.

De Orbe Novo or the Historie of the West Indies, etc., comprisedin eight decades. Whereof three have beene formerly translatedinto English by R. Eden, whereunto the other five are newly addedby the industries and painfull Travails of M. Lok. London.Printed for Thomas Adams, 1612.

The Historie of the West Indies, containing the Actes andAdventures of the Spaniards which have conquered and settledthose countries, etc. Published in Latin by Mr. Hakluyt andtranslated into English by Mr. Lok, London. Printed forAndrew Hebb. The book bears no date, but was printed in1625.

Opus Epistolarum Petri Martyris Anglerii Mediolanensia.Amstelodami Typis Elzivirianis, Veneunt Parisiis apud FredericumLeonard. 1670.

De Orbe Novo Petri Martyris Anglerii, regio rerum indicarumsenatu, Decades octo, quas scripsit ab anno 1493 ad 1526.Edition published at Madrid by Don Joaquin Torres Asensio,domestic prelate and canon of the cathedral, in 1892. Twovols. octavo.

De Orbe Novo de Pierre Martyr Anghiera. Les huit Décadestraduites du latin avec notes et commentaires, par Paul Gaffarel,Paris. MDCCCCVII.

WORKS RELATING TO PETER MARTYR AND HIS WRITINGS

PHILIPPI ARGELATI: Bononiensis, Bibliotheca Scriptorum Mediolanensium.Mediolani, MDCCXLV.

PICCINELLI: Ateneo di Letterati Milanesi. Milano, 1670.

GIAMMATTEO TOSCANO: Peplus Italiæ.

GIROLAMO TIRABOSCHI: Storia della Letteratura Italiana.Modena, 1772.

R.P. NICERON: Mémoires pour servir a l'histoire des hommesillustres dans la République des Lettres, Paris, 1745.

GIOVANNI MAZZUCHELLI: Gli Scrittori d'Italia. Brescia,1753-1763.

NICOLAI ANTONII: Bibliotheca Hispana nova sive HispanorumScriptorum. Madrid, 1783.

FABRICII: Bibliotheca Latina mediæ et infimæ latinitatis.Padua, 1754.
Coleccion de Documentos ineditos para la historia de España,tom, xxxix.

JUAN B. MUÑOZ: Historia, de nuevo mundo. 1793.

L. VON RANKE: Zur Kritik neuerer Geschichtsschreiber. 1824.

A. DE HUMBOLDT: Examen critique de l'histoire de la géographiedu nouveau continent. 1837.

WASHINGTON IRVING: Life and Voyages of Christopher Columbus.

H. HALLAM: Introduction to the Literature of Europe. 1839.

WM. PRESCOTT: Conquest of Mexico; History of Ferdinand andIsabella.

SIR A. HELPS: The Spanish Conquest in America. 1867.

M. PASCAL D'AVEZAC: Les Décades de Pierre Martyr, etc.(Bulletin de la Société de Géographie, tom. xiv. Paris1857-)

OSCAR PESCHEL: Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckung.1858.

MARTIN FERNANDEZ DE NAVARRETE: Coleccion de los viajesy descubrimientos que hicieron par mar los españoles, etc.Madrid, 1858-59.
Coleccion de Documentos ineditos ... sacados en su mayorparte del R. Archivo de Indias. Madrid, 1864.

IGNAZIO CIAMPI: Pietro Martire d'Anghiera, in volume xxxof the Nuova Antologia, 1875.

HERMANN SCHUMACHER: Petrus Martyrus der Geschichtsschreiberdes Weltmeeres. 1879.

H. HEIDENHEIMER: Petrus Martyrus Anglerius und sein OpusEpistolarum.

J. GERIGK: Das Opus Epistolarum des Petrus Martyrus.1881.

P. GAFFAREL ET L'ABBÉ SOUROT: Lettres de Pierre MartyrAnghiera. 1885.

J.H. MARIÉJOL: Un lettré italien a la cour d'Espagne. (1488-1526.) Pierre Martyr d'Anghera, sa vie et ses oeuvres,1887.

H. HARRISSE: Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima. NewYork, 1866. Additions. Paris, 1872.

J. BERNAYS: Petrus Martyrus und sein Opus Epistolarum.1891.

GIUSEPPE PENNESI: Pietro Martire d'Anghiera e le sue Relazionesulle scoperte oceaniche. 1894.

The First Decade

De Orbe Novo, Volume 1 (of 2)
The Eight Decades of Peter Martyr D'Anghera (1)

Cardinal Ascanio Sforza.

From the Medallion by Luini, in the Museum at Milan.
Photo by Anderson, Rome.

BOOK I

PETER MARTYR, APOSTOLIC PROTONOTARY AND ROYAL
COUNSELLOR TO THE VISCOUNT ASCANIO SFORZA,
CARDINAL VICE-CHANCELLOR

It was a gentle custom of the ancients to numberamongst the gods those heroes by whose genius andgreatness of soul unknown lands were discovered.Since we, however, only render homage to one God in ThreePersons, and consequently may not adore the discoverersof new lands, it remains for us to offer them our admiration.Likewise should we admire the sovereigns underwhose inspiration and auspices the intentions of the discovererswere realised; let us praise the one and the other,and exalt them according to their merits.

Attend now to what is told concerning the recentlydiscovered islands in the Western ocean. Since you haveexpressed in your letters a desire for information I will,to avoid doing injustice to any one, recount the eventsfrom their beginnings.

A certain Christopher Columbus, a Genoese, proposedto the Catholic King and Queen, Ferdinand and Isabella,to discover the islands which touch the Indies, bysailing from the western extremity of this country. Heasked for ships and whatever was necessary to navigation,promising not only to propagate the Christian religion,but also certainly to bring back pearls, spices and goldbeyond anything ever imagined. He succeeded in persuadingthem and, in response to his demands, they providedhim at the expense of the royal treasury with threeships[1]; the first having a covered deck, the other two beingmerchantmen without decks, of the kind called by theSpaniards caravels. When everything was ready Columbussailed from the coast of Spain, about the calendsof September in the year 1492, taking with him about220 Spaniards.[2]

[Note 1: This statement is not absolutely exact, as the funds came fromvarious sources. Columbus, assisted by the Pinzon brothers of Palos,furnished one eighth of the amount, or the cost of one vessel. Twovessels were supplied by the town of Palos, in response to a royal order;the town owing such service to the crown. The ready money requiredwas advanced by Santangel, receiver of the ecclesiastical revenues ofAragon.]

[Note 2: From Palos on August 3d, 1492. The inscription on the floor ofSeville Cathedral reads: con tres galeras y 90 personas. It follows thatPeter Martyr's figures are exaggerated, for only Oviedo amongst earlyauthorities exceeds the number ninety, and he numbers the united crewsat 120 men.]

The Fortunate Isles, or, as the Spaniards call them,the Canaries, were long since discovered in the middleof the ocean. They are distant from Cadiz about threehundred leagues; for, according to the masters of the artof navigation, each marine league is equal to four thousandpaces.[3] In ancient times these islands were calledFortunate, because of the mild temperature they enjoyed.The islanders suffered neither from the heat of summernor the rigours of winter: some authors consider that thereal Fortunate Isles correspond to the archipelago whichthe Portuguese have named Cape Verde. If they are atpresent called the Canaries, it is because they are inhabitedby men who are naked and have no religion. They lie tothe south and are outside European climates. Columbusstopped there to replenish his supply of provisions andwater, and to rest his crew before starting on the difficultpart of his enterprise.

[Note 3: According to the computations of Columbus, four miles were equal toone marine league; the Italian mile, assumed to have been used by him,was equal to 1842 English feet. Fifty-six and two-thirds miles wereequal to a degree.]

Since we are speaking of the Canaries, it may not bethought uninteresting to recall how they were discoveredand civilised. During many centuries they were unknownor rather forgotten. It was about the year 1405 that aFrenchman called Bethencourt[4] rediscovered the sevenCanaries. They were conceded to him in gift by theQueen Katherine, who was Regent during the minorityof her son John. Bethencourt lived several years in thearchipelago, where he took possession of the two islands ofLancerote and Fuerteventura, and civilised their inhabitants.Upon his death, his heir sold these two islands tothe Spaniards. Afterwards Ferdinando Pedraria andhis wife landed upon two other of the Canaries, Ferro andGomera. Within our own times the Grand Canary wasconquered by Pedro de Vera, a Spanish nobleman fromXeres; Palma and Teneriffe were conquered by Alonzo deLugo, but at the cost of the royal treasury. The islandsof Gomera and Ferro were conquered by the same Lugo,but not without difficulty; for the natives, although theylived naked in the woods and had no other arms thansticks and stones, surprised his soldiers one day and killedabout four hundred of them. He finally succeeded insubduing them, and to-day the whole archipelago recognisesthe Spanish authority.

[Note 4: Maciot de Bethencourt. Consult Bergeron, Histoire de la premièredêcouverte et conquéte des îles Canaries; Pascal d'Avezac, Notice desdêcouvertes ... dans l'ocêan Atlantique, etc., Paris, 1845; Viera y Clavigo,Historia gênêral de las islas de Canaria, 1773; also the works of Major,Barker-Webb, Sabin Berthelot, and Bory de St. Vincent.]

Upon leaving these islands and heading straight to thewest, with a slight deviation to the south-west, Columbussailed thirty-three successive days without seeing anythingbut sea and sky. His companions began to murmur insecret, for at first they concealed their discontent, butsoon, openly, desiring to get rid of their leader, whomthey even planned to throw into the sea. They consideredthat they had been deceived by this Genoese,who was leading them to some place from whencethey could never return. After the thirtieth day theyangrily demanded that he should turn back and gono farther; Columbus, by using gentle words, holdingout promises and flattering their hopes, sought to gaintime, and he succeeded in calming their fears; finallyalso reminding them that if they refused himtheir obedience or attempted violence against him, theywould be accused of treason by their sovereigns. Totheir great joy, the much-desired land was finallydiscovered.[5] During this first voyage Columbus visitedsix islands, two of which were of extraordinarymagnitude; one of these he named Hispaniola, and theother Juana,[6] though he was not positive that the latterwas an island. While sailing along the coasts of theseislands, in the month of November, the Spaniards heardnightingales singing in the dense forests, and they discoveredgreat rivers of fresh water, and natural harbourssufficient for the largest fleets. Columbus reconnoitredthe coast of Juana in a straight line towards the north-westfor no less than eight hundred thousand paces or eightyleagues, which led him to believe that it was a continent,since as far as the eye could reach, no signs of any limitsto the island were perceptible. He decided to return,[7]also because of the tumultuous sea, for the coast of Juanatowards the north is very broken, and at that winter season,the north winds were dangerous to his ships. Layinghis course eastwards, he held towards an island which hebelieved to be the island of Ophir; examination of themaps, however, shows that it was the Antilles and neighbouringislands. He named this island Hispaniola.Having decided to land, Columbus put in towards shore,when the largest of his ships struck a concealed rock andwas wrecked. Fortunately the reef stood high in thewater, which saved the crew from drowning; the other twoboats quickly approached, and all the sailors were takensafely on board.

[Note 5: Land was discovered on the morning of October 12th, Julian calendar.Efforts to identify the island on which Columbus first landed have beennumerous. The natives called it Guanahani and Columbus named itSan Salvador. Muñoz believed it to be the present Watling's Island;Humboldt and Washington Irving thought Cat Island more likely,while Navarrete identified it as Grand Turk. Captain G.V. Fox, U.S.N.,published in Appendix 18 to the Report for 1880, the conclusions he hadreached after exhaustive examinations conducted in the Bahamas, withwhich islands and their seas long service had made him familiar. Heselected Samana or Atwood Cay as the first land discovered.]

[Note 6: In honour of the Infante Don Juan, heir to the Castilian crown. Ithas, however, always borne its native name of Cuba.]

[Note 7: But for this infelicitous change in his course, Columbus must havediscovered the coast of Mexico.]

It was at this place that the Spaniards, on landing, firstbeheld the islanders. Upon seeing strangers approaching,the natives collected and fled into the depths of theforests like timid hares pursued by hounds. The Spaniardsfollowed them, but only succeeded in capturingone woman, whom they took on board their ships, wherethey gave her plenty of food and wine and clothes (forboth sexes lived absolutely naked and in a state of nature);afterwards this woman, who knew where the fugitiveswere concealed, returned to her people, to whom sheshowed her ornaments, praising the liberality of theSpaniards; upon which they all returned to the coast,convinced that the newcomers were descended fromheaven. They swam out to the ships, bringing gold, ofwhich they had a small quantity, which they exchangedgladly for trifles of glass or pottery. For a needle, a bell,a fragment of mirror, or any such thing, they gladly gavein exchange whatever gold was asked of them, or all thatthey had about them. As soon as more intimate relationswere established and the Spaniards came to understandthe local customs, they gathered by signs and by conjecturesthat the islanders were governed by kings. Whenthey landed from their ships they were received withgreat honour by these kings and by all the natives, makingevery demonstration of homage of which they werecapable. At sunset, the hour of the Angelus, the Spaniardsknelt according to Christian custom, and theirexample was immediately followed by the natives.The latter likewise adored the Cross as they saw theChristians doing.[8]

[Note 8: The first report Columbus made to the Catholic sovereigns was mostflattering to the American aborigines. Certifico a vuestras altezas que enel mundo creo que no hay mejor gente ni mejor tierra: ellos aman a sus projimoscomo a si mismo. Like most generalisations, these were found, upon closeracquaintance with native character and customs, to be too comprehensiveas well as inaccurate.]

These people also brought off the men from the wreckedship, as well as all it contained, transporting everythingin barques which they called canoes. They did thiswith as much alacrity and joy as though they were savingtheir own relatives; and certainly amongst ourselvesgreater charity could not have been displayed.

Their canoes are constructed out of single tree-trunks,which they dig out with tools of sharpened stone. Theyare very long and narrow, and are made of a single pieceof wood. It is alleged that some have been seen capableof carrying eighty rowers. It has been nowhere discoveredthat iron is used by the natives of Hispaniola.Their houses are most ingeniously constructed, and allthe objects they manufacture for their own use excitedthe admiration of the Spaniards. It is positive that theymake their tools out of very hard stones found in thestreams, and which they polish.

The Spaniards learned that there were other islandsnot far distant, inhabited by fierce peoples who live onhuman flesh; this explained why the natives of Hispaniolafled so promptly on their arrival. They told the Spaniardslater that they had taken them for the cannibals, whichis the name they give to these barbarians. They alsocall them Caraibes. The islands inhabited by thesemonsters lie towards the south, and about half-way to theother islands. The inhabitants of Hispaniola, who area mild people, complained that they were exposed tofrequent attacks from the cannibals who landed amongstthem and pursued them through the forests like hunterschasing wild beasts. The cannibals captured children,whom they castrated, just as we do chickens and pigs wewish to fatten for the table, and when they were grownand become fat they ate them.[9] Older persons, who fellinto their power, were killed and cut into pieces for food;they also ate the intestines and the extremities, whichthey salted, just as we do hams. They did not eat women,as this would be considered a crime and an infamy. Ifthey captured any women, they kept them and cared forthem, in order that they might produce children; just aswe do with hens, sheep, mares, and other animals. Oldwomen, when captured, were made slaves. The inhabitantsof these islands (which, from now on we may considerours), women and men, have no other means ofescaping capture by the cannibals, than by flight.Although they use wooden arrows with sharpened points,they are aware that these arms are of little use againstthe fury and violence of their enemies, and they all admitthat ten cannibals could easily overcome a hundred oftheir own men in a pitched battle.

[Note 9: See Henry Harrisse, Christophe Colombe, ii., p. 72. Letter of SimoneVerde to Nicoli.]

Although these people adore the heavens and the stars,their religion is not yet sufficiently understood; as for theirother customs, the brief time the Spaniards stopped thereand the want of interpreters did not allow full informationto be obtained. They eat roots which in size and formresemble our turnips, but which in taste are similar to ourtender chesnuts. These they call ages. Another rootwhich they eat they call yucca; and of this they makebread. They eat the ages either roasted or boiled, ormade into bread. They cut the yucca, which is veryjuicy, into pieces, mashing and kneading it and thenbaking it in the form of cakes. It is a singular thing thatthey consider the juice of the yucca to be more poisonousthan that of the aconite, and upon drinking it, deathimmediately follows. On the other hand, bread madefrom this paste is very appetising and wholesome: all theSpaniards have tried it. The islanders also easily makebread with a kind of millet, similar to that which existsplenteously amongst the Milanese and Andalusians. Thismillet is a little more than a palm in length, ending in apoint, and is about the thickness of the upper part of aman's arm. The grains are about the form and size ofpeas. While they are growing, they are white, but becomeblack when ripe. When ground they are whiter thansnow. This kind of grain is called maiz.

The islanders set some value on gold and wear it in theform of fine leaves, fixed in the lobes of their ears and theirnostrils. As soon as our compatriots were certain thatthey had no commercial relations with other peoples andno other coasts than those of their own islands, they askedthem by signs whence they procured the gold. As nearlyas could be conjectured, the natives obtain gold from thesands of the rivers which flow down from the high mountains.This process was not a difficult one. Beforebeating it into leaves, they form it into ingots; but nonewas found in that part of the island where the Spaniardshad landed. It was shortly afterwards discovered, forwhen the Spaniards left that locality and landed at anotherpoint to obtain fresh water and to fish, they discovered ariver of which the stones contained flakes of gold.

With the exception of three kinds of rabbits, no quadrupedis found in these islands. There are serpents, butthey are not dangerous. Wild geese, turtle-doves, ducksof a larger size than ours, with plumage as white as thatof a swan, and red heads, exist. The Spaniards broughtback with them some forty parrots, some green, othersyellow, and some having vermilion collars like the parrakeetsof India, as described by Pliny; and all of them havethe most brilliant plumage. Their wings are green oryellow, but mixed with bluish or purple feathers, presentinga variety which enchants the eye. I have wished,most illustrious Prince, to give you these details aboutthe parrots; and although the opinion of Columbus[10]seems to be contradictory to the theories of the ancientsconcerning the size of the globe and its circumnavigation,the birds and many other objects brought thence seemto indicate that these islands do belong, be it by proximityor by their products, to India; particularly when onerecalls what Aristotle, at the end of his treatise De Cælo etMundo, and Seneca, and other learned cosmographershave always affirmed, that India was only separated fromthe west coast of Spain by a very small expanse of sea.

[Note 10: Columbus died in the belief that the countries he had discoveredformed part of the Indies. They were thus described officially by theSpanish sovereigns.]

Mastic, aloes, cotton, and similar products flourish inabundance. Silky kinds of cotton grow upon trees as inChina; also rough-coated berries of different colours morepungent to the taste than Caucasian pepper; and twigscut from the trees, which in their form resemble cinnamon,but in taste, odour, and the outer bark, resemble ginger.

Happy at having discovered this unknown land, and tohave found indications of a hitherto unknown continent,Columbus resolved to take advantage of favouring windsand the approach of spring to return to Europe; but heleft thirty-eight of his companions under the protectionof the king of whom I have spoken, in order that theymight, during his absence, acquaint themselves with thecountry and its condition. After signing a treaty offriendship with this king who was called by his enemiesGuaccanarillo,[11] Columbus took all precautions for ensuringthe health, the life, and the safety of the menwhom he left behind. The king, touched with pity forthese voluntary exiles, shed abundant tears, and promisedto render them every assistance in his power. Aftermutual embraces, Columbus gave the order to depart forSpain. He took with him six islanders,[12] thanks to whomall the words of their language have been written downwith Latin characters. Thus they call the heavenstueri, a house boa, gold cauni, a virtuous man taino,nothing nagani. They pronounce all these names justas distinctly as we do Latin.

[Note 11: Otherwise Guacanagari.]

[Note 12: One of these Indians died at sea on the voyage, and three otherslanded very ill at Palos; the remaining six were presented to Ferdinandand Isabella at Barcelona, and were afterwards baptised.]

You are now acquainted with such details concerningthis first voyage as it has seemed expedient to me torecord. The King and Queen, who, above everythingand even in their sleep, thought about the propagation ofthe Christian faith, hoping that these numerous andgentle peoples might be easily converted to our religion,experienced the liveliest emotions upon hearing thesenews. Columbus was received upon his return with thegreat honour he merited for what he had accomplished.[13]They bade him sit in their presence, which for the Spanishsovereigns is regarded as a proof of the greatest friendshipand the highest mark of gratitude. They commandedthat henceforward Columbus should be called "PræfectusMarinus," or, in the Spanish tongue, Amiral. Hisbrother Bartholomew, likewise very proficient in the artof navigation, was honoured by them with the title ofPrefect of the Island of Hispaniola, which is in the vulgartongue called Adelantado.[14] To make my meaning clearI shall henceforth employ these usual words of Admiral andAdelantado as well as the terms which are now commonlyused in navigation. But let us return to our narrative.

[Note 13: The historian Oviedo, who was present, describes the reception ofColumbus at Barcelona. Hist. Nat. de las Indias, tom. ii., p. 7.]

[Note 14: This statement is premature; Bartholomew's appointment was madeconsiderably later.]

It was thought, as Columbus had moreover declared inthe beginning, that in these islands would be found richessuch as all struggle to obtain. There were two motiveswhich determined the royal pair to plan a second expedition,for which they ordered seventeen ships to beequipped; three of these were vessels with covered decks,twelve were of the kind called caravels by the Spaniards,which had none, and two were larger caravels, of whichthe height of the masts made it possible to adapt decks.The equipment of this fleet was confided to Juan deFonseca, Dean of Seville, a man of illustrious birth, ofgenius and initiative.[15] In obedience to his orders morethan twelve hundred foot-soldiers, amongst whom wereall sorts of labourers and numerous artisans, were commandedto embark. Some noblemen were found amongstthe company. The Admiral took on board mares, sheep,cows and the corresponding males for the propagation oftheir species; nor did he forget vegetables, grain, barley,and similar seeds, not only for provisions but also forsowing; vines and young plants such as were wanting inthat country were carefully taken. In fact the Spaniardshave not found any tree in that island which was knownto them except pines and palms; and even the palms wereextraordinarily high, very hard, slender, and straight,owing, no doubt, to the fertility of the soil. Even thefruits they produce in abundance were unknown.

[Note 15: The evil that has been attributed to Juan Fonseca, Bishop of Burgos,may exceed his dues, but the praise here and elsewhere given him by PeterMartyr is excessive and all but unique. That he cordially hated Columbusand after him Cortes, Las Casas and most of the men of action in the NewWorld, is undeniable.]

The Spaniards declare that there is not in the whole universea more fertile region. The Admiral ordered his workpeople to take with them the tools of their trades, and ingeneral everything necessary to build a new city. Won bythe accounts of the Admiral and attracted by the love ofnovelty, some of the more intimate courtiers also decidedto take part in this second voyage. They sailed fromCadiz with a favourable wind, the seventh day of thecalends of October in the year of grace 1493.[16] Onthe calends they touched the Canaries. The last ofthe Canaries is called Ferro by the Spaniards. There isno potable water on it, save a kind of dew produced byone sole tree standing upon the most lofty point of thewhole island; and from which it falls drop by drop into anartificial trough. From this island, Columbus put to seathe third day of the ides of October. We have learnedthis news a few days after his departure. You shall hearthe rest later. Fare you well.

[Note 16: The sailing date was Sept. 25, 1493.]

From the Court of Spain, the ides of November, 1493.

BOOK II

TO THE VISCOUNT ASCANIO SFORZA, CARDINAL VICE-CHANCELLOR

You renew to me, Most Illustrious Prince, your desireto know all that treats of the Spanish discoveriesin the New World. You have let me know thatthe details I have given you concerning the first voyagepleased you; listen now to the continuation of events.

Medina del Campo is a town of Ulterior Spain, as itis called in Italy, or of Old Castile, as it is called here. Itis distant about four hundred miles from Cadiz. Whilethe Court sojourned there the ninth day of the calendsof April, messengers sent to the King and Queen informedthem that twelve ships returning from the islands hadarrived at Cadiz, after a happy voyage. The commanderof the squadron did not wish to say more by the messengersto the King and Queen except that the Admiral hadstopped with five ships and nine hundred men at Hispaniola,which he wished to explore. He wrote that he would givefurther details by word of mouth. The eve of the nonesof April, this commander of the squadron, who was thebrother of the nurse of the eldest royal princes, arrivedat Medina, being sent by Columbus. I questioned himand other trustworthy witnesses, and shall now repeatwhat they told me, hoping by so doing to render myselfagreeable to you. What I learned from their mouths youshall now in turn learn from me.

The third day of the ides of October the Spaniards leftthe island of Ferro,[1] which is the most distant of theCanaries from Europe, and put out upon the high seasin seventeen ships. Twenty-one full days passed beforethey saw any land; driven by the north wind they werecarried much farther to the south-west than on the firstvoyage, and thus they arrived at the archipelago of thecannibals, or the Caribs, which we only know from thedescriptions given by the islanders. The first island theydiscovered was so thickly wooded that there was not aninch of bare or stony land. As the discovery took placeon a Sunday, the Admiral wished to call the island Domingo.[2]It was supposed to be deserted, and he did notstop there. He calculated that they had covered 820leagues in these twenty-one days. The ships had alwaysbeen driven forward by the south-west wind. At somelittle distance from Domingo other islands were perceived,covered with trees, of which the trunks, roots, and leavesexhaled sweet odours. Those who landed to visit theisland found neither men nor animals, except lizards ofextraordinarily great size. This island they called Galana.From the summit of a promontory, a mountain was visibleon the horizon and thirty miles distant from that mountaina river of important breadth descended into theplain. This was the first inhabited land[3] found sinceleaving the Canaries, but it was inhabited by those odiouscannibals, of whom they had only heard by report, buthave now learned to know, thanks to those interpreterswhom the Admiral had taken to Spain on his first voyage.

[Note 1: The chronology throughout is erroneous. Columbus had sailedfrom Cadiz on September 25th, arriving at Gomera on October 5th.]

[Note 2: The first island was discovered on November 3d, and was named LaDeseada, or The Desired; five others, including Domingo and MariaGalante were discovered on the same date.]

[Note 3: The island of Guadeloupe, called by the natives Caracueira.]

While exploring the island, numerous villages, composedof twenty or thirty houses each, were discovered; inthe centre is a public square, round which the houses areplaced in a circle. And since I am speaking about thesehouses, it seems proper that I should describe them to you.It seems they are built entirely of wood in a circular form.The construction of the building is begun by planting inthe earth very tall trunks of trees; by means of them,shorter beams are placed in the interior and support theouter posts. The extremities of the higher ones arebrought together in a point, after the fashion of a militarytent. These frames they then cover with palm and otherleaves, ingeniously interlaced, as a protection against rain.From the shorter beams in the interior they suspendknotted cords made of cotton or of certain roots similarto rushes, and on these they lay coverings.[4]

[Note 4: Hamacs, which are still commonly used in tierra caliente of the WestIndies, Mexico, and Central America.]

The island produces cotton such as the Spaniards callalgodon and the Italians bombasio. The people sleep onthese suspended beds or on straw spread upon the floor.There is a sort of court surrounded by houses where theyassemble for games. They call their houses boios. TheSpaniards noticed two wooden statues, almost shapeless,standing upon two interlaced serpents, which at first theytook to be the gods of the islanders; but which they laterlearned were placed there merely for ornament. We havealready remarked above that it is believed they adore theheavens; nevertheless, they make out of cotton-fabriccertain masks, which resemble imaginary goblins theythink they have seen in the night.

But let us return to our narrative. Upon the arrivalof the Spaniards, the islanders, both men and women,abandoned their houses and fled. About thirty womenand children whom they had captured in the neighbouringislands and kept either as slaves or to be eaten, took refugewith the Spaniards. In the houses were found pots of allkinds, jars and large earthen vessels, boxes and toolsresembling ours. Birds were boiling in their pots, alsogeese mixed with bits of human flesh, while other partsof human bodies were fixed on spits, ready for roasting.Upon searching another house the Spaniards found armand leg bones, which the cannibals carefully preserve forpointing their arrows; for they have no iron. All otherbones, after the flesh is eaten, they throw aside. TheSpaniards discovered the recently decapitated head of ayoung man still wet with blood. Exploring the interior ofthe island they discovered seven rivers,[5] without mentioninga much larger watercourse similar to the Guadalquivirat Cordoba and larger than our Ticino, of which the bankswere deliciously umbrageous. They gave the name ofGuadaloupe to this island because of the resemblance oneof its mountains bore to the Mount Guadaloupe, celebratedfor its miraculous statue of the Virgin Immaculate. Thenatives call their island Caracueira, and it is the principalone inhabited by the Caribs. The Spaniards took fromGuadaloupe seven parrots larger than pheasants, andtotally unlike any other parrots in colour. Their entirebreast and back are covered with purple plumes, andfrom their shoulders fall long feathers of the same colour,as I have often remarked in Europe is the case with thecapons peasants raise. The other feathers are of variouscolours,––green, bluish, purple, or yellow. Parrots areas numerous in all these islands as sparrows or other smallbirds are with us; and just as we keep magpies, thrushes,and similar birds to fatten them, so do these islandersalso keep birds to eat, though their forests are full ofparrots.

[Note 5: In reality, these so-called rivers were unimportant mountain torrents.]

The female captives who had taken refuge with ourpeople received by the Admiral's order some triflingpresents, and were begged by signs to go and hunt for thecannibals, for they knew their place of concealment.In fact they went back to the men during the night, andthe following morning returned with several cannibals whowere attracted by the hope of receiving presents; but whenthey saw our men, these savages, whether because theywere afraid or because they were conscious of their crimes,looked at one another, making a low murmur, and then,suddenly forming into a wedge-shaped group, they fledswiftly, like a flock of birds, into the shady valleys.

Having called together his men who had passed somedays exploring the interior of the island, Columbus gavethe signal for departure. He took no cannibal with him,but he ordered their boats, dug out of single tree-trunks,to be destroyed, and on the eve of the ides of Novemberhe weighed anchor and left Guadaloupe.

Desiring to see the men of his crew whom he had leftthe preceding year at Hispaniola to explore that country,Columbus passed daily by other islands which he discoveredto the right and left. Straight ahead to the northappeared a large island. Those natives who had beenbrought to Spain on his first voyage, and those whohad been delivered from captivity, declared that it wascalled Madanina, and that it was inhabited exclusivelyby women.[6] The Spaniards had, in fact, heard thisisland spoken of during their first voyage. It appearedthat the cannibals went at certain epochs of the year tovisit these women, as in ancient history the Thracianscrossed to the island of Lesbos inhabited by the Amazons.When their children were weaned, they sent the boys totheir fathers, but kept the girls, precisely as did theAmazons. It is claimed that these women know of vastcaverns where they conceal themselves if any man triesto visit them at another than the established time.Should any one attempt to force his way into these cavernsby violence or by trickery, they defend themselves witharrows, which they shoot with great precision. At least,this is the story as it is told, and I repeat it to you. Thenorth wind renders this island unapproachable, and it canonly be reached when the wind is in the south-west.

[Note 6: This is the island of Martinique; the legend of its Amazons is purely fantastic.]

While still in view of Madanina at a distance of aboutforty miles, the Spaniards passed another island, which,according to the accounts of the natives, was very populousand rich in foodstuffs of all kinds. As this islandwas very mountainous they named it Montserrat.Amongst other details given by the islanders on board,and as far as could be ascertained from their signs andtheir gestures, the cannibals of Montserrat frequentlyset out on hunts to take captives for food, and in so doinggo a distance of more than a thousand miles fromtheir coasts. The next day the Spaniards discoveredanother island, and as it was of spherical form, Columbusnamed it Santa Maria Rotunda. In less time he passedby another island discovered next day, and which, withoutstopping, he dedicated to St. Martin, and the followingday still a third island came into view. The Spaniardsestimated its width from east to west at fifty miles.

It afterwards became known that these islands were ofthe most extraordinary beauty and fertility, and to thislast one the name of the Blessed Virgin of Antigua wasgiven. Sailing on past numerous islands which followedAntigua, Columbus arrived, forty miles farther on, at anisland which surpassed all the others in size, and whichthe natives called Agay. The Admiral gave it the nameof Santa Cruz. Here he ordered the anchor to be lowered,in order that he might replenish his supply of water, andhe sent thirty men from his vessel to land and explore.These men found four dogs on the shore, and the samenumber of youths and women approached with hands extended,like supplicants. It was supposed they werebegging for assistance or to be rescued from the hands ofthose abominable people. Whatever decision the Spaniardsmight take in regard to them, seemed better to themthan their actual condition. The cannibals fled as theyhad done at Guadaloupe, and disappeared into the forests.

Two days were passed at Santa Cruz, where thirtyof our Spaniards placed in an ambuscade saw, from theplace where they were watching, a canoe in the distancecoming towards them, in which there were eight men andas many women. At a given signal they fell upon thecanoe; as they approached, the men and women let flya volley of arrows with great rapidity and accuracy.Before the Spaniards had time to protect themselves withtheir shields, one of our men, a Galician, was killed by awoman, and another was seriously wounded by an arrowshot by that same woman. It was discovered that theirpoisoned arrows contained a kind of liquid which oozedout when the point broke. There was one woman amongstthese savages whom, as nearly as could be conjectured, allthe others seemed to obey, as though she was their queen.With her was her son, a fierce, robust young man, withferocious eyes and a face like a lion's. Rather than furtherexpose themselves to their arrows, our men chose to engagethem in a hand to hand combat. Rowing stoutly, theypushed their barque against the canoe of the savages,which was overturned by the shock; the canoe sank,but the savages, throwing themselves into the water,continued while swimming to shoot their arrows withthe same rapidity. Climbing upon a rock level withthe water, they still fought with great bravery, thoughthey were finally captured, after one had been killed andthe son of the queen had received two wounds. Whenthey were brought on board the Admiral's ship, theyno more changed their ferocious and savage mood than dothe lions of Africa, when they find themselves caught innets. There was no one who saw them who did not shiverwith horror, so infernal and repugnant was the aspectnature and their own cruel character had given them.I affirm this after what I have myself seen, and so likewisedo all those who went with me in Madrid to examinethem.

I return to my narrative. Each day the Spaniardsadvanced farther. They had covered a distance of fivehundred miles. Driven first by the south wind, then bythe west wind, and finally by the wind from the north-west,they found themselves in a sea dotted with innumerableislands, strangely different one from another; some werecovered with forests and prairies and offered delightfulshade, while others, which were dry and sterile, had verylofty and rocky mountains. The rocks of these latterwere of various colours, some purple, some violet, and someentirely white. It is thought they contain metals andprecious stones.

The ships did not touch, as the weather was unfavourable,and also because navigation amongst these islandsis dangerous. Postponing until another time the explorationof these islands which, because of their confusedgrouping could not be counted, the Spaniards continuedtheir voyage. Some lighter ships of the fleet did, however,cruise amongst them, reconnoitring forty-six ofthem, while the heavier ships, fearing the reefs, kept to thehigh sea. This collection of islands is called an archipelago.Outside the archipelago and directly across thecourse rises the island called by the natives Burichena,which Columbus placed under the patronage of San Juan.[7]A number of the captives rescued from the hands of thecannibals declared they were natives of that island, whichthey said was populous and well cultivated; they explainedthat it had excellent ports, was covered with forests, andthat its inhabitants hated the cannibals and were constantlyat war with them. The inhabitants possessed no boats bywhich they could reach the coasts of the cannibals fromtheir island; but whenever they were lucky in repulsinga cannibal invasion for the purpose of plundering, theycut their prisoners into small bits, roasted, and greedily atethem; for in war there is alternative good and bad fortune.

[Note 7: Porto Rico.]

All this was recounted through the native interpreterswho had been taken back to Spain on the first voyage.Not to lose time, the Spaniards passed by Burichena;nevertheless some sailors, who landed on the extremewestern point of the island to take a supply of fresh water,found there a handsome house built in the fashion of thecountry, and surrounded by a dozen or more ordinarystructures, all of which were abandoned by their owners.Whether the inhabitants betake themselves at that periodof the year to the mountains to escape the heat, and thenreturn to the lowlands when the temperature is fresher,or whether they had fled out of fear of the cannibals, is notprecisely known. There is but one king for the whole ofthe island, and he is reverently obeyed. The south coastof this island, which the Spaniards followed, is two hundredmiles long.

During the night two women and a young man, who hadbeen rescued from the cannibals, sprang into the sea andswam to their native island. A few days later the Spaniardsfinally arrived at the much-desired Hispaniola, whichis five hundred leagues from the nearest of the cannibalislands. Cruel fate had decreed the death of all thoseSpaniards who had been left there.

There is a coast region of Hispaniola which the nativescall Xarama, and it was from Xarama that Columbushad set sail on his first voyage, when he was about toreturn to Spain, taking with him the ten interpreters ofwhom I spoke above, of whom only three survived; theothers having succumbed to the change of climate, country,and food.

Hardly were the ships in sight of the coast of Xarama,which Columbus called Santa Reina,[8] than the Admiralordered one of these interpreters to be set at liberty, andtwo others managed to jump into the sea and swim to theshore. As Columbus did not yet know the sad fate of thethirty-eight men whom he had left on the island the precedingyear, he was not concerned at this flight. Whenthe Spaniards were near to the coast a long canoe withseveral rowers came out to meet them. In it was thebrother of Guaccanarillo, that king with whom the Admiralhad signed a treaty when he left Hispaniola, and towhose care he had urgently commended the sailors hehad left behind. The brother brought to the Admiral, inthe king's name, a present of two golden statues; he alsospoke in his own language––as was later understood,––ofthe death of our compatriots; but as there was no interpreter,nobody at the time understood his words.

[Note 8: Xarama is also spelled in the Latin editions Xamana,and Santa Reina, Sancteremus.]

Upon arriving, however, at the blockhouse and thehouses, which were surrounded by an entrenchment, theywere all found reduced to ashes, while over the place aprofound silence reigned. The Admiral and his companionswere deeply moved by this discovery. Thinkingand hoping that some of the men might still be alive, heordered cannon and guns to be fired, that the noise ofthese formidable detonations echoing amongst the mountainsand along the coasts might serve as a signal of hisarrival to any of our men who might be hidden amongthe islanders or among wild beasts. It was in vain; forthey were all dead.

The Admiral afterwards sent messengers to Guaccanarillo,who, as far as they could understand, related asfollows: there are on the island, which is very large, anumber of kings, who are more powerful than he; two ofthese, disturbed by the news of the arrival of the Spaniards,assembled considerable forces, attacked and killedour men and burned their entrenchments, houses, andpossessions; Guaccanarillo had striven to save our men,and in the struggle had been wounded with an arrow, hisleg being still bandaged with cotton; and for this reasonhe had not, despite his keen desire, been able to go tomeet the Admiral.

There do exist several sovereigns on the island, somemore powerful than the others; just as we read that thefabulous Æneas found Latium divided amongst severalkings, Latinus, Mezentius, Turnus, and Tarchon, all nearneighbours who fought over the territory. The islandersof Hispaniola, in my opinion, may be esteemed morefortunate than were the Latins, above all should theybecome converted to the true religion. They go naked,they know neither weights nor measures, nor that sourceof all misfortunes, money; living in a golden age, withoutlaws, without lying judges, without books, satisfied withtheir life, and in no wise solicitous for the future. Neverthelessambition and the desire to rule trouble even them,and they fight amongst themselves, so that even in thegolden age there is never a moment without war; themaxim Cede, non cedam, has always prevailed amongstmortal men.

The following day the Admiral sent to Guaccanarillo aSevillan called Melchior, who had once been sent by theKing and the Queen to the sovereign Pontiff when theycaptured Malaga. Melchior found him in bed, feigningillness, and surrounded by the beds of his seven concubines.Upon removing the bandage [from his leg] Melchior discoveredno trace of any wound, and this caused him tosuspect that Guaccanarillo was the murderer of our compatriots.He concealed his suspicions, however, andobtained the king's assurance that he would come thefollowing day to see the Admiral on board his ship, whichhe did. As soon as he came on board, and after salutingthe Spaniards and distributing some gold among theofficers, he turned to the women whom we had rescuedfrom the cannibals and, glancing with half-opened eyesat one of them whom we called Catherine, he spoke to hervery softly; after which, with the Admiral's permission,which he asked with great politeness and urbanity, heinspected the horses and other things he had never beforeseen, and then left.

Some persons advised Columbus to hold Guaccanarilloprisoner, to make him expiate in case it was proven thatour compatriots had been assassinated by his orders; butthe Admiral, deeming it inopportune to irritate theislanders, allowed him to depart.

The day after the morrow, the brother of the king,acting in his own name or in that of Guaccanarillo, cameon board and won over the women, for the following nightCatherine, in order to recover her own liberty and that ofall her companions, yielded to the solicitation of Guaccanarilloor his brother, and accomplished a feat moreheroic than that of the Roman Clelia, when she liberatedthe other virgins who had served with her as hostages,swam the Tiber and thus escaped from the power ofLars Porsena. Clelia crossed the river on a horse, whileCatherine and several other women trusted only to theirarms and swam for a distance of three miles in a sea by nomeans calm; for that, according to every one's opinion,was the distance between the ships and the coast. Thesailors pursued them in light boats, guided by the samelight from the shore which served for the women, of whomthey captured three. It is believed that Catherine andfour others escaped to Guaccanarillo, for at daybreak,men sent out by the Admiral announced that he and thewomen had fled together, taking all their goods with them;and this fact confirmed the suspicion that he had consentedto the assassination of our men.

Melchior, whom I have mentioned, was then despatchedwith three hundred men to search for him. In the courseof his march he came upon a winding gorge, overlookedby five lofty hills in such wise as to suggest the estuary ofa large river. There was found a large harbour, safe andspacious, which they named Port Royal. The entranceof this harbour is crescent-shaped, and is so regularlyformed that it is difficult to detect whether ships haveentered from the right or the left; this can only be ascertainedwhen they return to the entrance. Three largeships can enter abreast. The surrounding hills form thecoasts, and afford shelter from the winds. In the middleof the harbour there rises a promontory covered withforests, which are full of parrots and many other birdswhich there build their nests and fill the air with sweetmelodies. Two considerable rivers empty into thisharbour.

In the course of their explorations of this country theSpaniards perceived in the distance a large house, whichthey approached, persuaded that it was the retreat ofGuaccanarillo. They were met by a man with a wrinkledforehead and frowning brows, who was escorted by abouta hundred warriors armed with bows and arrows, pointedlances and clubs. He advanced menacingly towards them."Tainos," the natives cried, that is to say, good men andnot cannibals. In response to our amicable signs, theydropped their arms and modified their ferocious attitude.To each one was presented a hawk's bell, and they becameso friendly that they fearlessly went on board the ships,sliding down the steep banks of the river, and overwhelmedour compatriots with gifts. Upon measuring the largehouse which was of spherical form, it was found to have adiameter of thirty-five long paces; surrounding it werethirty other ordinary houses. The ceilings were deckedwith branches of various colours most artfully plaitedtogether. In reply to our inquiries about Guaccanarillo,the natives responded,––as far as could be understood,––thatthey were not subjects of his, but of a chief who wasthere present; they likewise declared they understood thatGuaccanarillo had left the coast to take refuge in themountains. After concluding a treaty of friendshipwith that cacique, such being the name given to theirkings, the Spaniards returned to report what they hadlearned to the Admiral.

Columbus had meanwhile sent some officers with anescort of men to effect a reconnaissance farther in theinterior; two of the most conspicuous of these wereHojeda and Corvalano, both young and courageousnoblemen. One of them discovered three rivers, theother four, all of which had their sources in these samemountains. In the sands of these rivers gold was found,which the Indians, who acted as their escort, proceededin their presence to collect in the following manner:they dug a hole in the sand about the depth of an arm,merely scooping the sand out of this trough with theright and left hands. They extracted the grains of gold,which they afterwards presented to the Spaniards.Some declared they saw grains as big as peas. I haveseen with my own eyes a shapeless ingot similar to around river stone, which was found by Hojeda, and wasafterwards brought to Spain; it weighed nine ounces.Satisfied with this first examination they returned toreport to the Admiral.

Columbus, as I have been told, had forbidden them to domore than examine and reconnoitre the country. Thenews spread that the king of the mountain country, whereall these rivers rise, was called the Cacique Caunaboa,that is to say, the Lord of the Golden House; for in theirlanguage boa is the word for a house, cauna for gold, andcacique for king, as I have above written. Nowhereare better fresh-water fish to be found, nor more beautifulnor better in taste, and less dangerous. The waters ofall these rivers are likewise very wholesome.

Melchior has told me that amongst the cannibals thedays of the month of December are equal to the nights,but knowledge contradicts this observation. I well knowthat in this self-same month of December, some birdsmade their nests and others already hatched out theirlittle ones; the heat was also considerable. When Iinquired particularly concerning the elevation of thenorth star above the horizon, he answered me that inthe land of the cannibals the Great Bear entirely disappearedbeneath the arctic pole. There is nobody whocame back from this second voyage whose testimony onemay more safely accept than his; but had he possessedknowledge of astronomy he would have limited himselfto saying that the day is about as long as the night. Forin no place in the world does the night during the solsticeprecisely equal the day; and it is certain that on thisvoyage the Spaniards never reached the equator, for theyconstantly beheld on the horizon the polar star, whichserved them as guide. As for Melchior's companions,they were without knowledge or experience, thereforeI offer you few particulars, and those only casually,as I have been able to collect them. I hope to narrateto you what I may be able to learn from others. MoreoverColumbus, whose particular friend I am, has written methat he would recount me fully all that he has beenfortunate enough to discover.[9]

[Note 9: The letter of Columbus here mentioned is not known to exist.]

The Admiral selected an elevation near the port as thesite for a town[10]; and, within a few days, some houses anda church were built, as well as could be done in so short atime. And there, on the feast of the Three Kings (for whentreating of this country one must speak of a new world, sodistant is it and so devoid of civilisation and religion) theHoly Sacrifice was celebrated by thirteen priests.[11]

[Note 10: The first Spanish settlement was named Isabella, as was likewise thecape on which it stood. Long after it was abandoned and had fallen intoruin, the site was reputed to be haunted. See Las Casas, Historia de lasIndias, vol. i., p. 72.]

[Note 11: There were certainly not as many as thirteen priests with Columbus.The text reads.... divina nostro ritu sacra sunt decantata tredecim sacerdotibusministrantibus. The number doubtless includes all laymen whotook any part, as acolytes, etc., in the ceremonies.]

As the time when he had promised to send news to theKing and Queen approached, and as the season wasmoreover favourable [for sailing], Columbus decided notto prolong his stay. He therefore ordered the twelvecaravels, whose arrival we have announced, to sail,though he was much afflicted by the assassination ofhis comrades; because, but for their death, we shouldpossess much fuller information concerning the climateand the products of Hispaniola.

That you may inform your apothecaries, druggists,and perfumers concerning the products of this countryand its high temperature, I send you some seeds of allkinds, as well as the bark and the pith of those treeswhich are believed to be cinnamon trees. If you wishto taste either the seeds or the pith or the bark, be careful,Most Illustrious Prince, only to do so with caution;not that they are harmful, but they are very peppery,and if you leave them a long time in your mouth, theywill sting the tongue. In case you should burn yourtongue a little in tasting them, take some water, and theburning sensation will be allayed. My messenger willalso deliver to Your Eminence some of those black andwhite seeds out of which they make bread. If you cutbits of the wood called aloes, which he brings, you willscent the delicate perfumes it exhales.

Fare you well.

From the Court of Spain, the third day of the calendsof May, 1494.

BOOK III

TO CARDINAL LUDOVICO D'ARAGON

You desire that another skilful Phaeton should drivethe car of the Sun. You seek to draw a sweet potionfrom a dry stone. A new world, if I may so expressmyself, has been discovered under the auspices of theCatholic sovereigns, your uncle Ferdinand and youraunt Isabella, and you command me to describe to youthis heretofore unknown world; and to that effect yousent me a letter of your uncle, the illustrious KingFrederick.[1] You will both receive this precious stone,badly mounted and set in lead. But when you later observethat my beautiful nereids of the ocean are exposedto the furious attacks of erudite friends and to the calumniesof detractors, you must frankly confess to themthat you have forced me to send you this news, despitemy pressing occupations and my health. You are notignorant that I have taken these accounts from the firstreports of the Admiral as rapidly as your secretary couldwrite under my dictation. You hasten me by dailyannouncing your departure for Naples in company of theQueen, sister of our King and your paternal aunt, whomyou had accompanied to Spain. Thus you have forcedme to complete my writings. You will observe that thefirst two chapters are dedicated to another, for I hadreally begun to write them with a dedication to yourunfortunate relative Ascanio Sforza, Cardinal and Vice-chancellor.When he fell into disgrace,[2] I felt myinterest in writing also decline. It is owing to youand to the letters sent me by your illustrious uncle,King Frederick, that my ardour has revived. Enjoy,therefore, this narrative, which is not a thing of theimagination.

Fare you well.From Granada, the ninth of the calends of May ofthe year 1500.

[Note 1: Frederick III., of Aragon, succeeded his nephew Frederick II., as Kingof Naples in 1496. Five years later, when dispossessed by Ferdinand theCatholic, he took refuge in France, where Louis XII. granted him the duchyof Anjou and a suitable pension. He died in 1504.]

[Note 2: Upon the death of Innocent VIII., four members of the Sacred Collegewere conspicuous papabili: Raffæle Riario and Giuliano della Rovere,nephews of Sixtus IV., and Roderigo Borgia and Ascanio Sforza. Borgiawas elected and took the title of Alexander VI. He rewarded CardinalSforza for his timely assistance in securing his elevation, by giving himthe Vice-Chancellorship he had himself occupied as Cardinal, the town ofNepi and the Borgia Palace in Rome. Dissensions between Alexander andthe Sforza family soon became acute; Giovanni Sforza, Lord of Pesaroand sometime husband of Lucrezia Borgia, was expelled, and his brother,Cardinal Ascanio was included in the papal disfavour. He sought refugein Lombardy, where he was taken prisoner by Louis XII., of France.Peter Martyr had foreseen, in a measure, the turbulent events of Alexander'spontificate; the Spanish sovereigns charged him to express to CardinalSforza their disapproval of his action in supporting the Borgia party, thatCardinal, though a Spaniard, being persona non grata to them; and inso doing he wrote to his friend the dubious augury, "God grant he may begrateful to you." Ep. 119.]

I have narrated in a preceding book how the AdmiralColumbus, after having visited the cannibal islands,landed at Hispaniola on the fourth day of the nonesof February, 1493, without having lost a single vessel.I shall now recount what he discovered while exploringthat island and another neighbouring one, which hebelieved to be a continent.

According to Columbus, Hispaniola is the island ofOphir mentioned in the third book of Kings.[3] Itswidth covers five degrees of south latitude, for its northcoast extends to the twenty-seventh degree and the southcoast to the twenty-second; its length extends 780 miles,though some of the companions of Columbus give greaterdimensions.[4] Some declare that it extends to withinforty-nine degrees of Cadiz, and others to an even greaterdistance. The calculation concerning this has not beenmade with precision.

[Note 3: Ortelius, in his Geographia Sacra, gives the name of Ophir to Hayti;and it was a commonly held opinion that Solomon's mines of Ophir weresituated in America. Columbus shared this belief, and he later wrote ofVeragua, when he discovered the coasts of Darien, that he was positivethe gold mines there were those of Ophir.]

[Note 4: Hayti is 600 kilometres long from east to west, and 230 broad, fromnorth to south, with a superficial area of 74,000 square kilometres.]

The island is shaped like a chestnut leaf. Columbusdecided to found a town[5] upon an elevated hill on thenorthern coast, since in that vicinity there was a mountainwith stone-quarries for building purposes and chalk to makelime. At the foot of this mountain a vast plain[6] extendsfor a distance of sixty miles in length, and of an averageof twelve leagues in breadth, varying from six in thenarrowest part to twenty in the broadest. This plainis fertilised by several rivers of wholesome water, of whichthe largest is navigable and empties into a bay situatedhalf a stadium from the town. As the narrative proceedsyou will learn how fruitful this valley is, and how fertileis its soil. The Spaniards laid out parcels of land on theriver bank, which they intended to make into gardens,and where they planted all kinds of vegetables, roots,lettuces, cabbages, salads, and other things. Sixteendays after the sowing, the plants had everywhere grown;melons, pumpkins, cucumbers, and other similar productswere ripe for picking thirty-six days after they wereplanted, and nowhere had our people tasted any of finerflavour. Throughout the whole year one might thushave fresh vegetables. Cane-roots, from the juice ofwhich sugar is extracted (but not crystallised sugar)grew to a height of a cubit within fifteen days afterplanting, and the same happened to graftings of vines.Excellent grapes may be eaten from these vines thesecond year after planting, but on account of theirexaggerated size, the bunches were not numerous. Acertain peasant planted a foot of wheat about the calendsof February, and wonderful to say, in the sight of everybodyhe brought into the town a bunch of ripe grainon the third day of the calends of April, which fell in thatyear on the eve of Easter. Two harvests of vegetablesmay be counted upon within the year. I have repeatedwhat is told to me about the fertility of the country by allthose, without exception, who have returned from there. Iwould notice, however, that according to some observationswheat does not grow equally well throughout the wholecountry.

[Note 5: The town of Santo Domingo, standing at the mouth of the Ozamariver.]

[Note 6: This valley is the actual Vega Real.]

During this time the Admiral despatched some thirtyof his men in different directions to explore the districtof Cipangu, which is still called Cibao. This is amountainous region covered with rocks and occupyingthe centre of the island, where, the natives explained bysigns, gold is obtained in abundance. The Admiral'sexplorers brought back marvellous reports of the richesof the country. Four large rivers rise in these mountains,into which other streams flow, thus dividing the island byan extraordinary natural arrangement into four almostequal parts. The first, which the natives call Junua,lies towards the east; the second, which borders on itand extends to the west, is called Attibinico; the thirdlies to the north and is called Iachi, while the fourth,Naiba, lies to the south.

But let us consider how the town was founded. Afterhaving surrounded the site with ditches and entrenchmentsfor defence against possible attacks by the nativeson the garrison he left there, during his absence, theAdmiral started on the eve of the ides of March accompaniedby all the gentlemen and about four hundredfoot-soldiers for the southern region where the gold wasfound. Crossing a river, he traversed the plain andclimbed the mountain beyond it. He reached anothervalley watered by a river even larger than the former one,and by others of less importance. Accompanied by hisforce he crossed this valley, which was in no place moreelevated than the first one, and thus he reached the thirdmountain which had never been ascended. He madethe ascent and came down on the other side into a valleywhere the province of Cibao begins. This valley iswatered by rivers and streams which flow down from thehills, and gold is also found in their sands. After penetratinginto the interior of the gold region a distance of someseventy-two miles from the town, Columbus resolved toestablish a fortified post on an eminence commandingthe river banks, from which he might study more closelythe mysteries of this region. He named this place SanTomas.

While he was occupied in building this fortificationhe was delayed by the natives, who came to visit himin the hope of getting some bells or other trifles. Columbusgave them to understand that he was very willingto give them what they asked, if they would bringhim gold. Upon hearing this promise the natives turnedtheir backs and ran to the neighbouring river, returningsoon afterwards with hands full of gold. One old manonly asked a little bell in return for two grains of goldweighing an ounce. Seeing that the Spaniards admiredthe size of these grains, and quite amazed at their astonishment,he explained to them by signs that they were of novalue; after which, taking in his hands four stones, ofwhich the smallest was the size of a nut and the largestas big as an orange, he told them that in his country,which was half a day's journey distant, one found here andthere ingots of gold quite as large. He added that hisneighbours did not even take the trouble to pick them up.It is now known that the islanders set no value on goldas such; they only prize it when it has been workedby a craftsman into some form which pleases them. Whoamongst us pays attention to rough marble or to unworkedebony? Certainly nobody; but if this marble is transformedby the hand of a Phidias or a Praxiteles, and if itthen presents to our eyes the form of a Nereid withflowing hair, or a hamadryad with graceful body,buyers will not be wanting. Besides this old man, anumber of natives brought ingots, weighing ten or twelvedrachmas,[7] and they had the effrontery to say that inthe region where they had found them, they sometimesdiscovered ingots as big as the head of a child whom theyindicated.

[Note 7: The Greek drachma weighed one eighth of an ounce.]

During the days he passed at San Tomas, the Admiralsent a young nobleman named Luxan, accompaniedby an escort, to explore another region. Luxantold even more extraordinary things, which he had heardfrom the natives, but he brought back nothing; it isprobable that he did this in obedience to the Admiral'sorders. Spices, but not those we use, abound in theirforests, and these they gather just as they do gold;that is to say, whenever they wish to trade with theinhabitants of the neighbouring islands for somethingwhich pleases them; for example, long plates, seats, orother articles manufactured out of a black wood whichdoes not grow in Hispaniola. On his return journey,towards the ides of March, Luxan found wild grapes ofexcellent flavour, already ripe in the forest, but theislanders take no account of them. The country, althoughvery stony (for the word Cibao means in their languagerocky) is nevertheless covered with trees and grasses.It is even said that the growth on the mountains, whichstrictly speaking is only grass, grows taller than wheatwithin four days after it has been mown. The rainsbeing frequent, the rivers and streams are full of water,and as gold is everywhere found mixed with the sand ofthe river-beds, it is conjectured that this metal is washeddown from the mountains by the streams. It is certainthat the natives are extremely lazy, for they shiver withcold among their mountains in winter, without ever thinkingof making clothes for themselves, although cotton isfound in abundance. In the valleys and lowlands theyhave nothing to fear from cold.

Having carefully examined the region of Cibao, Columbusreturned on the calends of April, the day after Easter, toIsabella; this being the name he had given to the new city.Confiding the government of Isabella and the entire islandto his brother[8] and one Pedro Margarita, an old royalcourtier, Columbus made preparations for exploring theisland which lies only seventy miles from Hispaniola, andwhich he believed to be a continent. He had not forgottenthe royal instructions, which urged him to visit the newcoasts, without delay, lest some other sovereign might takepossession of them. For the King of Portugal made nosecret of his intention also to discover unknown islands.True it is that the Sovereign Pontiff, Alexander VI.,had sent to the King and Queen of Spain his bull, sealedwith lead, by which it was forbidden to any other sovereignto visit those unknown regions.[9] To avoid all conflict,a straight line from north to south had been drawn,first at one hundred leagues and afterwards by commonaccord at three hundred leagues west of the parallel ofthe isles of Cape Verde. We believe these islands tobe those formerly called the Hesperides. They belongto the King of Portugal. The Portuguese mariners havecontinued their explorations to the east of that line;following the coast of Africa on their left, they directedtheir course to the east, crossing the Ethiopian seas,and up to the present time none of them has yetsailed to the west of the Hesperides, or towards thesouth.

[Note 8: According to the judgment of Las Casas, Bartholomew Columbuswas a man of superior character and well qualified to rule, had he not beeneclipsed by his famous brother. Hist. Ind., ii., p. 8.]

[Note 9: Bull granted May 4, 1493: Ac quibuscumque personis . . . districtiusinhibemus, ne ad insulas et terras firmas inventas, et inveniendas detectas etdetegendas, versus occidentem et meridiem, fabricando et construendo lineam aPolo Arctico ad Polum antarcticum, sive terræ firmæ, Insulæ inventæ et inveniendaesint versus aliam quamcumque partem quæ linea distet a qualibet insularumquæ vulgariter appellantur de los Azores el Capo Verde, centum leucisversus occidentem et meridiem ut præfertur pro mercibus habendis, vel quavisalia de causa accedere præsumant, absque vestra et hæredum et subcesorumvestrorum prædictorum licentia spetiali.... By the agreement signed atTordesillas, the distance was increased by common consent between Spainand Portugal, not as Martyr says, to 300, but to 370 leagues.]

Leaving Hispaniola,[10] the Admiral sailed with threevessels in the direction of the land he had taken for anisland on his first voyage, and had named Juana. Hearrived, after a brief voyage, and named the first coasthe touched Alpha and Omega, because he thought thatthere our East ended when the sun set in that island, andour West began when the sun rose. It is indeed proventhat on the west side India begins beyond the Ganges,and ends on the east side. It is not without cause thatcosmographers have left the boundaries of GangesIndia undetermined.[11] There are not wanting thoseamong them who think that the coasts of Spain do notlie very distant from the shores of India.

[Note 10: He left Hispaniola on April 24th.]

[Note 11: This was the general opinion of cosmographers and navigators atthat period; contemporary maps and globes show the Asiatic continent inthe place actually occupied by Florida and Mexico. See map of Ptolemeusde Ruysch, Universalior coquiti orbis tabula ex recentibus confecta observationibus,Rome, 1508.]

The natives called this country Cuba.[12] Within sightof it, the Admiral discovered at the extremity of Hispaniolaa very commodious harbour formed by a bend in theisland. He called this harbour, which is barely twentyleagues distant from Cuba, San Nicholas.

[Note 12: Always deeming Cuba to be an extension of Asia, Columbus wasanxious to complete his reconnaissance, and then to proceed to Indiaand Cathay.]

Columbus covered this distance, and desiring to skirtthe south coast of Cuba, he laid his course to the west;the farther he advanced the more extensive did the coastbecome, but bending towards the south, he first discovered,to the left of Cuba, an island called by the nativesJamaica,[13] of which he reports that it is longer and broaderthan Sicily. It is composed of one sole mountain, whichrises in imperceptible gradations from the coasts to thecentre, sloping so gently that in mounting it, the ascentis scarcely noticeable. Both the coast country and theinterior of Jamaica are extremely fertile and populous.According to the report of their neighbours, the nativesof this island have a keener intelligence and are clevererin mechanical arts, as well as more warlike than others.And indeed, each time the Admiral sought to land in anyplace, they assembled in armed bands, threatening him,and not hesitating to offer battle. As they were alwaysconquered, they ended by making peace with him.Leaving Jamaica to one side, the Admiral sailed to thewest for seventy days with favourable winds. Heexpected to arrive in the part of the world underneathus just near the Golden Chersonese, which is situated tothe east of Persia. He thought, as a matter of fact,that of the twelve hours of the sun's course of which weare ignorant he would have only lost two.

[Note 13: The island is about eighty-five miles from Cuba. The name Jamaica,which has survived, meant in the native tongue "land of wood and water."It was really discovered on May 13th, but was not colonised until 1509.]

It is known that the ancients have only followed thesun during the half of its course, since they only knew thatpart of the globe which lies between Cadiz and theGanges, or even to the Golden Chersonese.

During this voyage, the Admiral encountered marinecurrents as impetuous as torrents, with great wavesand undercurrents, to say nothing of the dangers presentedby the immense number of neighbouring islands; but hewas heedless of these perils, and was determined to advanceuntil he had ascertained whether Cuba was an island or acontinent. He continued, therefore, coasting the shoresof the island, and always towards the west, to a distance,according to his report, of two hundred and twenty-twoleagues, which is equal to about one thousand three hundredmiles. He gave names to seven thousand islands, andmoreover beheld on his left hand more than three thousandothers rising from the waves. But let us return to thosematters worthy to be remembered which he encounteredduring this voyage.

While the Admiral was carefully examining the characterof these places, coasting along the shore of Cuba, he firstdiscovered, not far from Alpha (that is from the end of it),a harbour sufficient for many ships. Its entrance is in theform of a scythe, shut in on the two sides by promontoriesthat break the waves; and it is large and of greatdepth. Following the coast of this harbour, he perceivedat a short distance from the shore two huts, and severalfires burning here and there. A landing was made,but no people were found; nevertheless there were woodenspits arranged about the fire, on which hung fish, altogetherof about a hundred pounds' weight, and alongside lay twoserpents eight feet long.[14] The Spaniards were astonished,and looked about for some one with whom to speak,but saw nobody. Indeed, the owners of the fish hadfled to the mountains on seeing them approach. TheSpaniards rested there to eat, and were pleased to find thefish, which had cost them nothing, much to their taste;but they did not touch the serpents. They report thatthese latter were in no wise different from the crocodilesof the Nile, except in point of size. According to Pliny,crocodiles as long as eighteen cubits have been found;while the largest in Cuba do not exceed eight feet. Whentheir hunger was satisfied, they penetrated into theneighbouring woods, where they found a number of theseserpents tied to the trees with cords; some were attachedby their heads, others had had their teeth pulled out.While the Spaniards busied themselves in visiting theneighbourhood of the harbour, they discovered aboutseventy natives who had fled at their approach, and whonow sought to know what these unknown people wanted.Our men endeavoured to attract them by gestures andsigns, and gentle words, and one of them, fascinated bythe gifts which they exhibited from a distance, approached,but no nearer than a neighbouring rock. It was clearthat he was afraid.

[Note 14: As will be later seen, these so-called serpents are iguanas. They arestill a common article of food throughout the islands, and tierra calienteof Mexico and Central America, and make savoury dishes.]

During his first voyage the Admiral had taken a nativeof Guanahani (an island near by Cuba), whom he hadnamed Diego Columbus, and had brought up with his ownchildren. Diego served him as interpreter, and as hismaternal tongue was akin to the language of the islanderwho had approached, he spoke to him. Overcominghis fears, the islander came amongst the Spaniards, andpersuaded his companions to join him as there was nothingto fear. About seventy natives then descended from theirrocks and made friends, and the Admiral offered thempresents.

They were fishermen, sent to fish by their cacique,who was preparing a festival for the reception of anotherchief. They were not at all vexed when they foundthat their fish had been eaten and their serpents left,for they considered these serpents the most delicate food.Common people among them eat less often of the serpentsthan they would with us of pheasants or peacocks.Moreover they could catch as many fish as the Spaniardshad eaten, in one hour. When asked why they cookedthe fish they were to carry to their cacique, they repliedthat they did so to preserve it from corruption. Afterswearing a mutual friendship they separated.

From that point of the Cuban coast which he hadnamed Alpha, as we have said, the Admiral sailedtowards the west. The middle portions of the shoresof the bay were well wooded but steep and mountainous.Some of the trees were in flower, and the sweetperfumes they exhaled were wafted out across the sea,[15]while others were weighted with fruit. Beyond the baythe country was more fertile and more populous. Thenatives were likewise more civilised and more desirousof novelties, for, at the sight of the vessels, a crowd ofthem came down to the shore, offering our men the kindof bread they ate, and gourds full of water. They beggedthem to come on land.

[Note 15: The fragrant odours blown out to sea from the American coasts arementioned by several of the early explorers.]

On all these islands there is found a tree about the sizeof our elms, which bears a sort of gourd out of which theymake drinking cups; but they never eat it, as its pulpis bitterer than gall, and its shell is as hard as a turtle'sback. On the ides of May the watchers saw from theheight of the lookout an incredible multitude of islandsto the south-west; two of them were covered with grassand green trees, and all of them were inhabited.

On the shore of the continent there emptied a navigableriver of which the water was so hot that one could notleave one's hand long in it. The next day, having seena canoe of fishermen in the distance, and fearing that thesefishermen might take to flight at sight of them, the Admiralordered a barque to cut off their retreat; but the menwaited for the Spaniards without sign of fear.

Listen now to this new method of fishing. Just as weuse French dogs to chase hares across the plain, so dothese fishermen catch fish by means of a fish trained forthat purpose. This fish in no wise resembles any thatwe know. Its body is similar to that of a large eel, andupon its head it has a large pouch made of a very toughskin. They tie the fish to the side of the boat, with justthe amount of cord necessary to hold it under the water;for it cannot stand contact with the air. As soon as alarge fish or turtle is seen (and these latter are as large asa huge shield), they let the fish go. The moment it isfreed, it attacks, with the rapidity of an arrow, the fishor turtle, on some part exposed from the shell, coveringit with the pouch-like skin, and attaching itself withsuch tenacity that the only way to pull it off alive is byrolling a cord round a pole and raising the fish out of thewater, when contact with the air causes it to drop itsprey. This is-done by some of the fishermen who throwthemselves into the water, and hold it above the surface,until their companions, who remained in the barque,have dragged it on board. This done, the cord is loosenedenough for the fisherman-fish to drop back into the water,when it is fed with pieces of the prey which has beencaught.

The islanders call this fish guaicano, and our peoplecall it riverso.[16] Four turtles which they caught inthis fashion and presented to the Spaniards almost filleda native barque. They highly prize the flesh of turtles,and the Spaniards made them some presents in exchangewhich highly pleased them. When our sailors questionedthem concerning the size of the land, they answered thatit had no end towards the west. They insisted that theAdmiral should land, or should send some one in his nameto salute their cacique, promising moreover that if theSpaniards would go to visit the cacique, the latter wouldmake them various presents; but the Admiral, not wishingto retard the execution of his project, refused to yield totheir wishes. The islanders asked him his name, andtold him the name of their cacique.

[Note 16: A sea-lamprey, also called remora and echineis. Oviedo gives detailsconcerning the manner of catching, raising, and training the young lampreysto serve as game-fish. Hist. delle Indie, cap. x., in Ramusio. The accountis interesting and despite obvious inaccuracies may have a basis of truth.]

Continuing his route towards the west, the Admiralarrived several days later in the neighbourhood of a verylofty mountain, where, because of the fertility of the soil,there were many inhabitants. The natives assembledin crowds, and brought bread, cotton, rabbits, and birdson board the ships. They inquired with great curiosityof the interpreter, if this new race of men was descendedfrom heaven. Their king, and a number of wise men whoaccompanied him, made known by signs that this landwas not an island. Landing on another neighbouringisland, which almost touched Cuba, the Spaniards wereunable to discover a single inhabitant; everybody, menand women, had fled on their approach. They foundthere four dogs which could not bark and were of hideousaspect. The people eat them just as we do kids. Geese,ducks, and herons abound in that island. Between theseislands and the continent there were such strong currentsthat the Admiral had great difficulty in tacking, and thewater was so shallow that the keels of the ships sometimesscraped the sand. For a space of forty miles the waterof these currents was white, and so thick that one wouldhave sworn the sea was sprinkled with flour. Havingfinally regained the open, the Admiral discovered, eightymiles farther on, another very lofty mountain. He landedto replenish his supply of water and wood. In the midstof the thick palm and pine groves two springs of sweetwater were found. While the men were busy cuttingwood and filling their barrels, one of our archers went offin the woods to hunt. He there suddenly encountereda native, so well dressed in a white tunic, that at the firstglance he believed he saw before him one of the Friars ofSanta Maria de la Merced, whom the Admiral had broughtwith him. This native was soon followed by two others,likewise coming out of the forest, and then by a troop ofabout thirty men, all of them clothed. Our archer turnedand ran shouting, as quickly as he could, towards theships. These people dressed in tunics shouted afterhim, and tried by all means of persuasion in their powerto calm his fears. But he did not stop in his flight.Upon hearing this news, the Admiral, delighted finally todiscover a civilised nation, at once landed a troop ofarmed men, ordering them to advance, if necessary,as far as forty miles into the country, until they shouldfind those people dressed in tunics, or at least some otherinhabitants.[17] The Spaniards marched through theforest and emerged on an extensive plain overgrown withbrush, amidst which there was no vestige of a path.They sought to cut a pathway through the undergrowth,but wandered about so hopelessly that they hardly advanceda mile. This underbrush was indeed as high asour grain when ripe. Worn out and fatigued, theyreturned without having discovered a trail. The nextday the Admiral sent out a new troop of twenty-five men,urging them to use the greatest diligence to discover theinhabitants of that country. They, however, havingcome upon the tracks of some large animals, amongstwhich they thought they recognised those of lions, wereterrified and retraced their steps.[18] In the course oftheir march, they had found a forest overgrown withwild vines, which hung suspended from the loftiest trees,and also many other spice-producing trees. Theybrought back to Spain heavy and juicy bunches of grapes.As for the other fruits they collected, it was impossibleto bring them to Spain, because there were no means ofpreserving them on board the ships; hence they rotted,and when they were spoiled they threw them into the sea.The men said that they had seen flocks of cranes twiceas large as ours in the forest.

[Note 17: None of the natives of the islands wore white tunics, nor indeed anybut the most scanty covering. It has been surmised that the soldier whomade this report may indistinctly and from a distance have descried aflock of tall white cranes, otherwise he was either the victim of an hallucinationor an inventor of strange tales to astonish his fellows. Humboldt(Histoire de la Géographie du nouveau Continent) quotes an instance ofthe colonists of Angostora once mistaking a flock of cranes for a band ofsoldiers.]

[Note 18: There were no lions nor large beasts of prey in the island; it has beensuggested that these tracks may have been footprints of an alligator.]

Pursuing his course, the Admiral sailed towards othermountains; he observed upon the shore two huts, inwhich only one man was found, who, when he was broughton board the ships, shook his head and hands, indicatingby signs that the country about these mountains wasvery populous. All along this coast the Admiral encounterednumerous canoes which came to meet him, and on oneside and the other friendly signals were exchanged. Theman Diego, who, from the beginning of the voyageunderstood the language of the islanders, did not understandthat of this newcomer. It was known, indeed,that the languages vary in the different provinces ofCuba.[19] The natives gave it to be understood that apowerful sovereign, who wore clothes, lived in theinterior of the country. The whole of the coast wasinundated by waters, the beach being muddy and strewnwith trees like in our swamps. When they landed toreplenish their supply of water, they found some shellswith pearls in them. Columbus nevertheless continuedon his way, for he sought at that time, in obedience tothe royal instructions, to explore the greatest possibleextent of sea. As they proceeded on their course, lightedfires were observed on all the hilltops of the coast country,as far as to another mountain eighty miles distant.There was not a single lookout upon the rocks from whichsmoke did not rise.

[Note 19: Pezuela gives interesting information concerning the tribal languagesof Cuba. Diccionario Geografico, Estadistico, Historico de la isla de Cuba.]

It was doubtful whether these fires had been lighted bythe natives for domestic purposes or whether it was theircustom in time of war thus to signal to warn their neighboursto provide for their safety and unite their forcesto repel our attacks.

What is more probable is that they assembled to inspectour ships, as though they were something prodigious, concerningwhich they knew not what course to adopt. Thecoast-line began to recede in a southerly direction, andthe sea continued to be encumbered with islands. Someof the ships, which had been scraped by the reefs, hadsprung; ropes, sails, and other tackle were rotted, andprovisions were spoiled by the humidity. The Admiralwas, consequently, obliged to retrace his course.[20]The extreme point of this country reached by him, andwhich he believed to be a continent, he named Evangelista.

[Note 20: Two or three days more would have sufficed to demonstrate theinsular character of Cuba, and would doubtless have made Columbusthe discoverer of Yucatan.]

During the return voyage, Columbus passed amongmany other islands more distant from the continent,and reached a sea where he found such numbers of hugeturtles that they obstructed the advance of his fleet.He likewise crossed currents of whitish water, similarto those he had already seen.[21] Fearing to sail amongstthese islands he returned, and coasted along the onehe believed to be a continent.

[Note 21: The milky colour was produced by quantities of chalky sand, churnedup from the bottom by the currents.]

As he had never maltreated the natives, the inhabitants,both men and women, gladly brought him gifts, displayingno fear. Their presents consisted of parrots, bread,water, rabbits, and most of all, of doves much larger thanours, according to the Admiral's account. As he noticedthat these birds gave forth an aromatic odour when theywere eaten, he had the stomach of one of them opened,and found it filled with flowers. Evidently that is whatgave such a superior taste to these doves; for it is crediblethat the flesh of animals assimilates the qualities of theirfood.

While assisting at Mass one day, Columbus beheld aman eighty years old, who seemed respectable thoughhe wore no clothes, coming towards him, accompaniedby a number of his people. During the rest of theceremony this man looked on full of admiration; he wasall eyes and ears. Then he presented the Admiral witha basket he was carrying, which was filled with nativefruits, and finally sitting beside him, made the followingspeech which was interpreted by Diego Columbus, who,being from a neighbouring country, understood hislanguage:

"It is reported to us that you have visited all thesecountries, which were formerly unknown to you, and haveinspired the inhabitants with great fear. Now I telland warn you, since you should know this, that the soul,when it quits the body, follows one of two courses; thefirst is dark and dreadful, and is reserved for the enemiesand the tyrants of the human race; joyous and delectableis the second, which is reserved for those who duringtheir lives have promoted the peace and tranquillity ofothers. If, therefore, you are a mortal, and believe thateach one will meet the fate he deserves, you will harmno one."

Thanks to his native interpreter, the Admiral understoodthis speech and many others of the same tenor,and was astonished to discover such sound judgment ina man who went naked. He answered: "I have knowledgeof what you have said concerning the two coursesand the two destinies of our souls when they leave ourbodies; but I had thought until now that these mysterieswere unknown to you and to your countrymen, becauseyou live in a state of nature." He then informed the oldman that he had been sent thither by the King and Queenof Spain to take possession of those countries hithertounknown to the outside world, and that, moreover, hewould make war upon the cannibals and all the nativesguilty of crimes, punishing them according to their deserts.As for the innocent, he would protect and honour thembecause of their virtues. Therefore, neither he nor anyone whose intentions were pure need be afraid; rather,if he or any other honourable man had been injured inhis interests by his neighbours he had only to say so.

These words of the Admiral afforded such pleasure to theold man that he announced that, although weakenedby age, he would gladly go with Columbus, and he wouldhave done so if his wife and sons had not prevented him.What occasioned him great surprise was to learn that aman like Columbus recognised the authority of a sovereign;but his astonishment still further increased whenthe interpreter explained to him how powerful were thekings and how wealthy, and all about the Spanish nation,the manner of fighting, and how great were the citiesand how strong the fortresses. In great dejection theman, together with his wife and sons, threw themselvesat the feet of Columbus, with their eyes full of tears,repeatedly asking if the country which produced suchmen and in such numbers was not indeed heaven.

It is proven that amongst them the land belongs toeverybody, just as does the sun or the water. Theyknow no difference between meum and tuum, that sourceof all evils. It requires so little to satisfy them, that inthat vast region there is always more land to cultivatethan is needed. It is indeed a golden age, neither ditches,nor hedges, nor walls to enclose their domains; they livein gardens open to all, without laws and without judges;their conduct is naturally equitable, and whoever injureshis neighbour is considered a criminal and an outlaw.They cultivate maize, yucca, and ages, as we have alreadyrelated is the practice in Hispaniola.

On his return from Cuba to Hispaniola, the Admiralagain came in sight of Jamaica, and this time he skirtedits southern coast from west to east. Upon reaching theeastern extremity of this island, he beheld in the northand on his left high mountains, which he believed tobe the southern coast of Hispaniola which he had notbefore visited. On the calends of September he reachedthe port he had named San Nicholas, and there repairedhis ships, intending to again ravage the cannibal islandsand burn the canoes of the natives. He was determinedthat these rapacious wolves should no longer injure thesheep, their neighbours; but his project could not berealised because of his bad health. Long watches hadweakened him; borne on shore half dead by the sailorsof Port Isabella, and surrounded by his two brothersand his friends, he finally recovered his former health, buthe could not renew his attack on the cannibal islands,because of the disturbances which had broken outamongst the Spaniards he had left in Hispaniola. Concerningthese I shall later explain. Fare you well.

BOOK IV

TO CARDINAL LUDOVICO D'ARAGON, NEPHEW OF OUR KING

When Columbus returned from the land whichhe believed to be the Indian continent, helearned that the Friar Boyl[1] and PedroMargarita,[2] the nobleman who formerly enjoyed theKing's friendship, as well as several others to whom hehad confided the government of Hispaniola, had departedfor Spain animated by evil intentions. In order that hemight justify himself before the sovereigns, in case theyshould have been prejudiced by the reports of his enemies,and also for the purpose of recruiting colonists to replacethose who had left, and to replenish the failing foodstuffs,such as wheat, wine, oil, and other provisions which formthe ordinary food of Spaniards, who do not easily accustomthemselves to that of the natives, he decided to betakehimself to the Court, which at that time was resident atBurgos, a celebrated town of Old Castile. But I mustrelate briefly what he did before his departure.

[Note 1: The character of Padre Boyl has been somewhat rehabilitated byPadre Fita, S.J. (Memoires du Congr. Amer. de Madrid, 1881), but hecan hardly be deemed comparable as a missionary to the zealous, self-sacrificingfriars who followed with such perfect evangelic spirit a few yearslater. He was at perpetual enmity with both the Admiral and his brother.]

[Note 2: Pedro de Margarita had been appointed by Columbus military commanderin the island; his conduct was marked by ingratitude towards theAdmiral.]

The caciques of the island had always been contentedwith little, for they lived a peaceful and tranquil life.When they saw the Spaniards establishing themselvesupon their native soil, they were considerably troubled,and desired above all things either to expel the newcomersor to destroy them so completely that not even theirmemory should remain. It is a fact that the peoplewho accompanied the Admiral in his second voyage werefor the most part undisciplined, unscrupulous vagabonds,who only employed their ingenuity in gratifying theirappetites. Incapable of moderation in their acts ofinjustice, they carried off the women of the islandersunder the very eyes of their brothers and their husbands;given over to violence and thieving, they had profoundlyvexed the natives. It had happened in many placesthat when our men were surprised by the natives, thelatter strangled them, and offered them as sacrificesto their gods. Convinced that he should put down ageneral insurrection by punishing the murderers of theSpaniards, Columbus summoned the cacique of thisvalley, lying at the foot off the Ciguano Mountains, whichare described in the preceding book. This caciquewas called Guarionex. He had been pleased to give hissister to be the wife of that Diego Columbus who had beenfrom his infancy brought up by the Admiral, and hadserved him as interpreter during his occupation of Cuba.Guarionex had hoped by these means to establish a moreintimate friendship with the Admiral. He afterwardssent one of his officers to Caunaboa, cacique of themountains of Cibao, which is the gold region. Thepeople of this Caunaboa had besieged Hojeda and fiftysoldiers in the blockhouse of San Tomas and, had theynot heard of the approaching arrival of Columbus inperson at the head of imposing reinforcements, theywould never have raised the siege.[3] The Admiralchose Hojeda as his envoy, and while the latter wasengaged in his mission, several caciques[4] sent fromdifferent parts to urge Caunaboa not to allow theChristians to settle in the island, unless he wished toexchange independence for slavery; for if the Christianswere not expelled to the last man from the island, allthe natives would sooner or later become their slaves.Hojeda, on the other hand, negotiated with Caunaboa,urging him to come in person to visit the Admiral,and contract a firm alliance with him. The envoys ofthe caciques promised Caunaboa their unlimited supportfor the expulsion of the Spaniards, but Hojeda threatenedto massacre him if he chose war rather than peace withthe Christians. Caunaboa was very undecided. Besides,the consciousness of his crimes disturbed him, for he hadcut off the heads of twenty of our men whom he hadsurprised. If, therefore, he desired peace on the onehand, on the other he feared the interview with theAdmiral. Having carefully planned his treachery, hedecided that under cover of peace he would seize thefirst occasion to destroy Columbus and his men. Heset out, escorted by all his household and a large numberof soldiers, armed after the fashion of the country, tomeet the Admiral. When asked why he took such anumerous troop of men, he answered that it was notbecoming for such a great king as he to quit his houseand journey without an escort. In this event, however,things turned out differently from what he had expectedand he fell into the net that he had himself prepared.Hardly had he left his house before he regretted hisdecision, but Hojeda succeeded by flatteries and promisesin bringing him to Columbus, where he was at once seizedand put in irons.[5] The souls of our dead might restin peace.

[Note 3: A cacique of the Vega, who was a vassal of Guarionex, Juatinangoby name, had succeeded in killing ten Spaniards and in setting fire to a housewhich served as a hospital for forty others who were confined thereill. After these exploits, he besieged the blockhouse of Magdalena, whichLuis de Arriaga only succeeded in defending by the greatest efforts. Herrera,Hist. Ind., tom, i., lib. ii., cap. xvi.]

[Note 4: The principal caciques of Hayti at that time numbered five. Theywere: Caunaboa, who was the most powerful of all; Guarionex, Gauccanagari,Behechio, and Cotubanama.]

[Note 5: Hojeda tricked this cacique into allowing him to fasten handcuffson him; after which the helpless chief was carried sixty leagues throughthe forests. Pizarro, in his Varones Illustres, relates the story, as doeslikewise Herrera.]

After the capture of Caunaboa and all his household,the Admiral resolved to march throughout the wholeisland. He was informed that the natives suffered fromsuch a severe famine that more than 50,000 men hadalready perished, and that people continued to die dailyas do cattle in time of pest.

This calamity was the consequence of their own folly;for when they saw that the Spaniards wished to settlein their island, they thought they might expel them bycreating a scarcity of food. They, therefore, decidednot only to plant no more crops, but also to destroy andtear up all the various kinds of cereals used for breadwhich had already been sown, and which I have mentionedin the first book. This was to be done by the peoplein each district, and especially in the mountainous regionof Cipangu and Cibao; that was the country where goldwas found in abundance, and the natives were awarethat the principal attraction which kept the Spaniardsin Hispaniola was gold. At that time the Admiral sentan officer with a troop of armed men to reconnoitre thesouthern coast of the island, and this officer reported thatthe regions he had visited had suffered to such an extentfrom the famine, that during six days he and his menhad eaten nothing but the roots of herbs and small plants,or such fruits as grow on the trees. Guarionex, whoseterritory had suffered less than the others, distributedsome provisions amongst our people.

Some days later Columbus, with the object of lesseningjourneys and also to provide more numerous retreatsfor his men in case of sudden attack by the natives, hadanother blockhouse built, which he called Concepcion.It is situated between Isabella and San Tomas in theterritory of Cibao, upon the frontiers of the country ofGuarionex. It stands upon an elevation, well wateredby a number of fresh streams. Seeing this new constructiondaily nearing completion, and our fleet half ruinedlying in the port, the natives began to despair of libertyand to ask one another dejectedly whether the Christianswould ever evacuate the archipelago.

It was during these explorations in the interior of themountainous district of Cibao that the men of Concepcionobtained an ingot of massive gold, shaped in the form ofa sponge-like stone; it was as large as a man's fist, andweighed twenty ounces. It had been found by a cacique,not on a river bank but in a dry mound. I saw it with myown eyes in a shop at Medina del Campo in Old Castile,where the Court was passing the winter; and to mygreat admiration I handled it and tested its weight. Ialso saw a piece of native tin, which might have servedfor bells or apothecaries' mortars or other such things asare made of Corinthian brass. It was so heavy that notonly could I not lift it from the ground with my two hands,but could not even move it to the right or left. It wassaid that this lump weighed more than three hundredpounds at eight ounces to the pound. It had been foundin the courtyard of a cacique's house, where it had lainfor a long time, and the old people of the country, althoughno tin has been found in the island within the memoryof any living man, nevertheless knew where there was amine of this metal. But nobody could ever learn thissecret from them, so much were they vexed by theSpaniards' presence.[6] Finally they decided to revealits whereabouts, but it was entirely destroyed, and filledin with earth and rubbish. It is nevertheless easier toextract the metal than to get out iron from the mines,and it is thought that if workmen and skilled miners weresent out, it would be possible to again work that tin mine.

[Note 6: Adeo jam stomacho pleni in nostros vivebant.]

Not far from the blockhouse of Concepcion and inthese same mountains, the Spaniards discovered a largequantity of amber, and in some caverns was distilled agreenish colour very much prized by painters. Inmarching through the forest there were places where allthe trees were of a scarlet colour which are called by Italianmerchants verzino, and by the Spaniards brazil wood.

At this point, Most Illustrious Prince, you may raise anobjection and say to yourself: "If the Spaniards havebrought several shiploads of scarlet wood and some gold,and a little cotton and some bits of amber back to Europe,why did they not load themselves with gold and all theprecious products which seem to abound so plenteouslyin the country you describe?"

Columbus answered such questions by saying that themen he had taken with him thought more of sleeping andtaking their ease than about work, and they preferredfighting and rebellion to peace and tranquillity. Thegreater part of these men deserted him. To establishuncontested authority over the island, it was necessaryto conquer the islanders and to break their power. TheSpaniards have indeed pretended that they could notendure the cruelty and hardship of the Admiral's orders,and they have formulated many accusations against him.It is in consequence of these difficulties that he has notso far thought about covering the expenses of the expeditions.I will nevertheless observe that in this same year,1501, in which I am writing to you, the Spaniards havegathered 1200 pounds of gold in two months.

But let us return to our narrative. At the propertime I will describe to you in detail what I have onlyjust touched upon in this digression.

The Admiral was perfectly aware of the alarm anddisturbance that prevailed amongst the islanders, but hewas unable to prevent the violence and rapacity of hismen, whenever they came into contact with the natives.A number of the principal caciques of the frontier regionsassembled to beg Columbus to forbid the Spaniards towander about the island because, under the pretext ofhunting for gold or other local products, they left nothinguninjured or undefiled. Moreover, all the nativesbetween the ages of fourteen and seventy years boundthemselves to pay him tribute in the products of thecountry at so much per head, promising to fulfil theirengagement. Some of the conditions of this agreementwere as follows: The mountaineers of Cibao were tobring to the town every three months a specified measurefilled with gold. They reckon by the moon and callthe months moons. The islanders who cultivated thelands which spontaneously produced spices and cotton,were pledged to pay a fixed sum per head. This pactsuited both parties, and it would have been observedby both sides as had been agreed, save that the faminenullified their resolutions. The natives had hardlystrength to hunt food in the forests and for a longtime they contented themselves with roots, herbs, andwild fruits. Nevertheless the majority of the caciques,aided by their followers, did bring part of the establishedtribute. They begged as a favour of the Admiral to havepity on their misery, and to exempt them till such timeas the island might recover its former prosperity. Theybound themselves then to pay double what was for themoment failing.

Owing to the famine, which had affected them morecruelly than the others, very few of the mountaineers ofCibao paid tribute. These mountaineers did not differin their customs and language from the people of the plainmore than do the mountaineers of other countries differfrom those who live in the capital. There exist amongstthem, however, some points of resemblance, since theylead the same kind of simple, open-air life.

But let us return to Caunaboa, who, if you remember,had been taken prisoner.

This cacique, when he found himself put in irons,gnashed his teeth like an African lion and fell to thinking,night and day, upon the means to recover his liberty.[7]He begged the Admiral, since the region of Cipangu wasnow under his authority, to send Spanish garrisons toprotect the country against the attacks of neighbourswho were his ancient enemies. He said that it wasreported to him that the country was ravaged, and theproperty of his subjects considered by his enemies astheir lawful plunder. As a matter of fact it was a traphe was preparing. He hoped that his brother and otherrelatives in Cibao would, either by force or by trickery,capture as many Spaniards as would be required to payhis ransom. Divining this plot, Columbus sent Hojeda,but with an escort of soldiers sufficient to overcome allresistance of the inhabitants of Cibao. Hardly had theSpaniards entered that region when the brother ofCaunaboa assembled about 5000 men, equipped in theirfashion, that is to say, naked, armed with arrows withoutiron points, clubs, and spears. He succeeded in surroundingthe Spaniards, and held them besieged in a smallhouse. This chief showed himself under the circumstancesto be a veritable soldier. When he had approachedwithin a distance of one stadium, he divided his men intofive groups, stationing them in a circle, and assigning toeach one his post, while he himself marched directlyagainst the Spaniards. When all his arrangements werecompleted, he ordered his soldiers to advance, shouting alltogether, so as to engage in a hand-to-hand combat. Hehoped that, by thus surrounding the Spaniards, none ofthem would escape. But our men, persuaded that itwas better to attack than to await their assault, fell uponthe most numerous band they saw in the open country.The ground was adapted for cavalry manoeuvres and thehorsemen, opening their charge, rode down the enemy,who were easily put to flight. Those who awaited theencounter were massacred; the others, overcome withfright, fled, abandoning their huts, and seeking refuge inthe mountains and upon inaccessible rocks. Theybegged for mercy, promising and swearing to observeall the conditions imposed upon them, if they were onlypermitted to live with their families. The brother ofthe cacique was finally captured, and each of his menwas sent to his own home. After this victory thatregion was pacified.

[Note 7: Las Casas (Hist, de las Indias, tom, i., p. 102) relates that Caunaboanever forgave Columbus for his treatment of him, while he had, on thecontrary, great respect for Hojeda, the latter's clever ruse, deftly executed,being precisely the kind of trickery he was able to appreciate and admire.]

The mountain valley where the cacique lived is calledMagona. It is traversed by auriferous rivers, is generouslyproductive and marvellously fertile. In the month of Juneof this same year occurred a frightful tempest; whirlwindsreaching to the skies uprooted the largest trees that wereswept within their vortex. When this typhoon reached theport of Isabella, only three ships were riding at anchor;their cables were broken, and after three or four shocks––thoughthere was no tempest or tide at the time––theysank. It is said that in that year the sea penetratedmore deeply than usual into the earth, and that it rosemore than a cubit. The natives whispered that theSpaniards were the cause of this disturbance of theelements and these catastrophes. These tempests, whichthe Greeks called typhoons, are called by the nativeshuracanes.[8] According to their accounts hurricanesare sufficiently frequent in the island, but they neverattain such violence and fury. None of the islandersliving, nor any of their ancestors remembers that suchan atmospheric disturbance, capable of uprooting thegreatest trees, had ever swept the island; nor, on theother hand, had the sea ever been so turbulent, orthe tidewater so ravaged. Wherever plains border thesea, flowery meadows are found nearby.

[Note 8: The word hurricane is from Hurakan, the name of the god or culturehero who, in the mythology of Yucatan, corresponded to Quetzalcoatlof the Mexicans. Being the god of the winds, storms were ascribed to hisfury, and the typhoons and tempests which broke out at times withdestructive violence over the seas and countries were called by his name.]

Let us now return to Caunaboa. When it was soughtto take them to the sovereigns of Spain, both he and hisbrother died of grief on the voyage. The destruction ofhis ships detained the Admiral at Hispaniola; but, as hehad at his disposal the necessary artisans, he ordered twocaravels to be built immediately.

While these orders were being carried out, he despatchedhis brother, Bartholomew Columbus,––Adelantado, theSpaniards call him, of the island,––with a number of minersand a troop of soldiers, to the gold mines, which had beendiscovered by the assistance of the natives sixty leaguesfrom Isabella in the direction of Cipangu, As some veryancient pits were found there, the Admiral believed thathe had rediscovered in those mines the ancient treasureswhich, it is stated in the Old Testament, King Solomonof Jerusalem had found in the Persian Gulf. Whetherthis be true or false is not for me to decide. These minescover an area of six miles. The miners, in sifting somedry earth gathered at different places, declared that theyhad found such a great quantity of gold hidden in thatearth that a miner could easily collect three drachmasin a day's work. After they had explored that region,the Adelantado and the miners wrote to Columbusacquainting him with their discovery. The ships beingthen ready, Columbus immediately and with great delightembarked to return to Spain; that is to say, the fifth dayof the ides of March in the year 1495.[9] He confidedthe government of the province with full powers to hisbrother, the Adelantado, Bartholomew Columbus.

[Note 9: Columbus sailed on March 10, 1496.]

BOOK V

TO CARDINAL LUDOVICO D'ARAGON, NEPHEW OF OUR KING

Acting upon the parting counsel of his brother,the Adelantado, Bartholomew Columbus, constructeda blockhouse at the mines, which hecalled El Dorado,[1] because the labourers discoveredgold in the earth with which they were building its walls.It required three months to manufacture the necessarytools for washing and sifting the gold, but famine obligedhim to abandon this enterprise before it was terminated.At a place sixty miles farther on, where he and the greaterpart of his soldiers went, he succeeded in procuring fromthe islanders a small quantity of the bread they make,to such a bad state were affairs at that time reduced.Unable to prolong his stay, he left ten men at El Dorado,furnishing them with a small part of the bread thatremained. He moreover left with them an excellenthunting dog for chasing the game, which I have abovesaid resembles our rabbits, and which are called utias;after which he left to return to Concepcion. It was atthat time that the tribute from the caique Guarionexand one of his neighbours called Manicavex was due.The Adelantado remained there the whole month ofJune, and obtained from the caciques, not only the sumtotal of the tribute, but also provisions necessary tosupport himself and the 400 men of his escort.

[Note 1: The name first given to the place was San Cristobal.]

About the calends of July three caravels arrived,bringing provisions––wheat, oil, wine, and salted pork andbeef. In obedience to the orders from Spain, they weredistributed amongst all the Europeans, but as some ofthe provisions had rotted, or were spoiled by the damp,people complained. Fresh instructions from the sovereignsand from the Admiral were sent to Bartholomew Columbusby these ships. After frequent interviews with thesovereigns, Columbus directed his brother to transferhis residence to the southern coast of the island, nearerto the mines. He was likewise ordered to send back toSpain, in chains, the caciques who had been convictedof assassinating the Christians, and also those of theirsubjects who had shared their crimes; Three hundredislanders were thus transported to Spain.[2]

[Note 2: This transport marks the beginning of the slave trade in America.]

After having carefully explored the coast, the Adelantadotransferred his residence and built a lofty blockhouse neara safe harbour, naming the fort Santo Domingo, because hehad arrived at that place on a Sunday. There flows intothat harbour a river, whose wholesome waters abound inexcellent fish, and whose banks are delightfully wooded.This river has some unusual natural features. Whereverits waters flow, the most useful and agreeable productsflourish, such as palms and fruits of all kinds. Thetrees sometimes droop their branches, weighted withflowers and fruit over the heads of the Spaniards, whodeclare that the soil of Santo Domingo is as fertile, oreven perhaps more so, than at Hispaniola. At Isabellathere only remained the invalids and some engineersto complete the construction of two caravels which hadbeen begun, all the other colonists coming south to SantoDomingo. When the blockhouse was finished, he placedthere a garrison of twenty men, and prepared to lead theremainder of his people on a tour of exploration throughthe western parts of the island, of which not even the namewas known. Thirty leagues distant from Santo Domingo,that is to say, at the ninetieth mile, they came upon theriver Naiba, which flows south from the mountains ofCibao and divides the island into two equal parts. TheAdelantado crossed this river, and sent two captains,each with an escort of twenty-five soldiers, to explore theterritory of the caciques who possessed forests of red trees.These men, marching to the left, came upon forests, inwhich they cut down magnificent trees of great value,heretofore respected. The captains piled the red-colouredwood in the huts of the natives, wishing thus to protect ituntil they could load it on the ships. During this timethe Adelantado, who had marched to the right, hadencountered at a place not far from the river Naiba apowerful cacique, named Beuchios Anacauchoa, whowas at that time engaged in an expedition to conquerthe people along the river, as well as some other caciquesof the island. This powerful chieftain lives at the westernextremity of the island, called Xaragua. This ruggedand mountainous country is thirty leagues distant fromthe river Naiba, but all the caciques whose territory liesin between are subject to him.[3] All that country fromthe Naiba to the western extremity produces no gold.Anacauchoa, observing that our men put down their armsand made him amicable signs, adopted a responsive air,either from fear or from courtesy, and asked them whatthey wanted of him. The Adelantado replied: "We wishyou to pay the same tribute to my brother, who is incommand here in the name of the Spanish sovereigns,as do the other caciques." To which he answered: "Howcan you ask tribute from me, since none of the numerousprovinces under my authority produce gold?" He hadlearned that strangers in search of gold had landed on theisland, and he did not suspect that our men would askfor anything else. "We do not pretend," continued theAdelantado, "to exact tribute from anybody whichcannot be easily paid, or of a kind not obtainable; butwe know that this country produces an abundance ofcotton, hemp, and other similar things, and we ask youto pay tribute of those products." The cacique's faceexpressed joy on hearing these words, and with a satisfiedair he agreed to give what he was asked, and in whateverquantities they desired; for he sent away his men, andafter despatching messengers in advance, he himselfacted as guide for the Adelantado, conducting him tohis residence, which, as we have already said, was situatedabout thirty leagues distant. The march led through thecountries of subject caciques; and upon some of them atribute of hemp was imposed, for this hemp is quite asgood as our flax for weaving ships' sails; upon others, ofbread, and upon others, of cotton, according to theproducts of each region.

[Note 3: Xaragua includes the entire western coast from Cape Tiburon to theisland of Beata on the south.]

When they finally arrived at the chieftain's residencein Xaragua, the natives came out to meet them, and,as is their custom, offered a triumphal reception to theirking, Beuchios Anacauchoa, and to our men. Pleasenote amongst other usages these two, which are remarkableamongst naked and uncultivated people. When thecompany approached, some thirty women, all wives ofthe cacique, marched out to meet them, dancing, singing,and shouting; they were naked, save for a loin-girdle,which, though it consisted but of a cotton belt, whichdropped over their hips, satisfied these women devoid ofany sense of shame. As for the young girls, they coveredno part of their bodies, but wore their hair loose upon theirshoulders and a narrow ribbon tied around the forehead.Their face, breast, and hands, and the entire body wasquite naked, and of a somewhat brunette tint. All werebeautiful, so that one might think he beheld those splendidnaiads or nymphs of the fountains, so much celebratedby the ancients. Holding branches of palms in theirhands, they danced to an accompaniment of songs, andbending the knee, they offered them to the Adelantado.Entering the chieftain's house, the Spaniards refreshedthemselves at a banquet prepared with all the magnificenceof native usage. When night came, each, according to hisrank, was escorted by servants of the cacique to houseswhere those hanging beds I have already described wereassigned to them, and there they rested.

Next day they were conducted to a building whichserved as a theatre, where they witnessed dances andlistened to songs, after which two numerous troops ofarmed men suddenly appeared upon a large open space,the king having thought to please and interest theSpaniards by having them exercised, just as in SpainTrojan games (that is to say, tourneys) are celebrated.The two armies advanced and engaged in as animateda combat as though they were fighting to defend theirproperty, their homes, their children or their lives. Withsuch vigour did they contest, in the presence of theirchieftain, that within the short space of an hour foursoldiers were killed and a number were wounded; and itwas only at the instance of the Spaniards that the caciquegave the signal for them to lay down their arms and ceasefighting. After having advised the cacique to henceforthplant more cotton along the river banks, in orderthat he might more easily pay the tribute imposed oneach household, the Adelantado left on the third day forIsabella to visit the invalids, and to see the ships inconstruction. About three hundred of his men had fallenvictims to divers maladies, and he was therefore muchconcerned and hardly knew what course to adopt, foreverything was lacking, not only for caring for the sick,but also for the necessities of life; since no ship had arrivedfrom Spain to put an end to his uncertainty, he orderedthe invalids to be distributed in the several blockhousesbuilt in different provinces. These citadels, existing ina straight line from Isabella to Santo Domingo, that is tosay, from north to south, were as follows: thirty-six milesfrom Isabella stood Esperanza; twenty-four miles beyondEsperanza came Santa Caterina; twenty miles beyondSanta Caterina, Santiago. Twenty miles beyond Santiagohad been constructed a fortification strongerthan any of the others; for it stood at the foot of themountains of Cibao, in a broad and fertile plain whichwas well peopled. This was called La Concepcion.Between La Concepcion and Santo Domingo, the Adelantadobuilt an even stronger fortress, which stood in theterritory of a chieftain, who was obeyed by severalthousands of subjects. As the natives called the villagewhere their cacique lived, Bonana, the Adelantado wishedthe fortress to have the same name.

Having distributed the invalids amongst these fortressesor in the houses of the natives in the neighbourhood, theAdelantado left for Santo Domingo, collecting tributefrom the caciques he encountered on his way. He hadbeen at Santo Domingo but a few days when the reportwas brought that two of the caciques in the neighbourhoodof La Concepcion were driven to desperation by theSpaniards' rule, and were planning a revolt. Upon thereception of this news he set out for that region by rapidmarches.

He learned upon his arrival that Guarionex had beenchosen by the other caciques as their commander-in-chief.Although he had already tested and had reasonto fear our arms and our tactics, he had allowed himselfto be partly won over. The caciques had planned arising of about 15,000 men, armed in their fashion, fora fixed day, thus making a new appeal to the fortunes ofbattle. After consultation with the commander at LaConcepcion and the soldiers he had with him, theAdelantado determined to take the caciques in theirvillages, while they were off their guard and before theyhad assembled their soldiers. Captains were thus sentagainst the caciques, and surprising them in their sleep,before their scattered subjects could collect, invaded theirhouses which were unprotected either by ditches, walls,or entrenchments; they attacked and seized them, bindingthem with cords, and bringing them, as they hadbeen ordered, to the Adelantado. The latter had dealtwith Guarionex himself, as he was the most formidableenemy, and had seized him at the appointed hour.Fourteen caciques were thus brought prisoners to LaConcepcion, and shortly afterwards two of those who hadcorrupted Guarionex and the others, and who had favouredthe revolt were condemned to death. Guarionexand the rest were released, for the Adelantado feared thatthe natives, affected by the death of the caciques, mightabandon their fields, which would have occasioned agrievous damage to our people, because of the crops.About six thousand of their subjects had come to solicittheir freedom. These people had laid down their arms,making the air ring and the earth shake with theirclamour. The Adelantado spoke to Guarionex and theother caciques, and by means of promises, presents, andthreats, charged them to take good care for the future toengage in no further revolt. Guarionex made a speechto the people, in which he praised our power, our clemencyto the guilty, and our generosity to those who remainedfaithful; he exhorted them to calm their spirits and for thefuture neither to think nor to plan any hostilities againstthe Christians, but rather to be obedient, humble, andserviceable to them, unless they wished worse thingsto overtake them. When he had finished his speech,his people took him on their shoulders in a hammock,and in this wise they carried him to the village where helived, and within a few days the entire country waspacified.

Nevertheless the Spaniards were disturbed and depressed,for they found themselves abandoned in a strangecountry. Fifteen months had elapsed since the departureof the Admiral. The clothes and the food towhich they were accustomed were wanting, and so theymarched with sad faces and eyes bent on the ground.[4]The Adelantado strove as best he might to offer consolation.At this juncture, Beuchios Anacauchoa, forsuch was the name of the king of the western provinceof Xaragua of which we have before spoken, sent to theAdelantado notifying him that the cotton and othertribute he and his subjects were to pay, were ready.Bartholomew Columbus marched thither, therefore, andwas received with great honours, by the cacique and byhis sister. This woman, formerly the wife of Caunaboa,King of Cibao, was held in as great esteem throughout thekingdom as her brother. It seems she was gracious,clever, and prudent.[5] Having learned a lesson from theexample of her husband, she had persuaded her brotherto submit to the Christians, to soothe and to please them.This woman was called Anacaona.

[Note 4: The story of the disorders, privations, and unrest, as told by Las Casas,Columbus, and others, makes cheerless reading; the misfortunes of thecolonists were due to their inveterate idleness, their tyranny, which hadalienated the good-will of the natives, and to the disillusionment that haddispersed their hope of speedily and easily won riches.]

[Note 5: Herrera (iii., 6) speaks of her as la insigne Anacaona ... mujerprudente y entendida ... etc. She composed with unusual talent thearreytos or folk-ballads the natives were fond of singing. Las Casasdescribes her dreadful death in his Brevissima Relacion.]

Thirty-two caciques were assembled in the house ofAnacauchoa, where they had brought their tribute. Inaddition to what had been agreed upon, they sought towin favour by adding numerous presents, which consistedof two kinds of bread, roots, grains, utias, that is to say,rabbits, which are numerous in the island, fish, whichthey had preserved by cooking them, and those sameserpents, resembling crocodiles, which they esteem amost delicate food. We have described them above,and the natives call them iguanas. They are special toHispaniola.[6] Up to that time none of the Spaniardshad ventured to eat them because of their odour, whichwas not only repugnant but nauseating, but the Adelantado,won by the amiability of the cacique's sister,consented to taste a morsel of iguana; and hardly had hispalate savoured this succulent flesh than he began to eatit by the mouthful. Henceforth the Spaniards were nolonger satisfied to barely taste it, but became epicures inregard to it, and talked of nothing else than the exquisiteflavour of these serpents, which they found to be superiorto that of peacocks, pheasants, or partridges. If, however,they are cooked as we do peacocks and pheasants, whichare first larded and then roasted, the serpent's fleshloses its good flavour. First they gut them, then washand clean them with care, and roll them into a circle,so that they look like the coils of a sleeping snake; afterwhich they put them in a pot, just large enough to holdthem, pouring over them a little water flavoured with thepepper found in the island. The pot is covered and a fireof odorous wood which gives very little light is kindledunderneath it. A juice as delicious as nectar runs dropby drop from the insides. It is reported that there arefew dishes more appetising than iguana eggs cooked overa slow fire. When they are fresh and served hot they aredelicious, but if they are preserved for a few days theystill further improve. But this is enough about cookingrecipes. Let us pass on to other subjects.

[Note 6: Iguanas are found in all the tierras calientes of the continent.]

The tribute of cotton sent by the caciques filled theAdelantado's hut, and, in addition, he accepted theirpromise to furnish him all the bread he needed. Whilewaiting for the bread to be made in the different districts,and brought to the house of Beuchios Anacauchoa, Kingof Xaragua, he sent to Isabella directing that one of thecaravels he had ordered to be built be brought to him,promising the colonists that he would send it back tothem loaded with bread. The delighted sailors made thetour of the island with alacrity, and landed on the coastof Xaragua. As soon as that brilliant, prudent, andsensible woman called Anacaona, sister of BeuchiosAnacauchoa, heard that our ship had reached the coast ofher country, she persuaded her brother to accompanyher to visit it. The distance from the royal residence tothe coast was only six miles. They halted for the nightat a village about halfway, where the queen kept hertreasure; this treasure did not consist of gold, silver, orpearls, but of utensils necessary to the different requirementsof life, such as seats, platters, basins, cauldrons,and plates made of black wood, brilliantly polished;they display great art in the manufacture of all thesearticles. That distinguished savant, your doctor, JoannesBaptista Elysius, thinks that this black wood is ebony.It is to the manufacture of these articles that the islandersdevote the best of their native ingenuity. In the islandof Ganabara which, if you have a map, you will see liesat the western extermity of Hispaniola and which issubject to Anacauchoa, it is the women who are thusemployed; the various pieces are decorated with representationsof phantoms which they pretend to see in the nighttime,and serpents and men and everything that theysee about them. What would they not be able to manufacture,Most Illustrious Prince, if they knew the use ofiron and steel? They begin by softening the inner partof pieces of wood in the fire, after which they dig themout and work them with shells from the rivers.

Anacaona presented to the Adelantado fourteen seatsand sixty earthen vessels for the kitchen, besides fourrolls of woven cotton of immense weight. When theyall reached the shore where the other royal town is situated,the Adelantado ordered out a barque fully equipped.The king also commanded two canoes to be launched,the first for the use of himself and his attendants, thesecond for his sister and her followers, but Anacaona wasunwilling to embark on any other than the boat whichcarried the Adelantado. As they approached the ship,a cannon was fired at a given signal. The sound echoedover the sea like thunder, and the air was filled withsmoke. The terrified islanders trembled, believing thatthis detonation had shattered the terrestrial globe;but when they turned towards the Adelantado theiremotion subsided. Upon approaching closer to the shipthe sound of flutes, fifes, and drums was heard, charmingtheir senses by sweet music, and awakening their astonishmentand admiration. When they had been over thewhole ship, from stern to prow, and had carefully visitedthe forecastle, the tiller, and the hold, the brother andsister looked at one another in silence; their astonishmentbeing so profound that they had nothing to say. Whilethey were engaged in visiting the ship, the Adelantadoordered the anchor to be raised, the sails set, and to putout on the high sea. Their astonishment was redoubledwhen they observed that, without oars or the employmentof any human force, such a great boat flew over thesurface of the water. It was blowing a land wind, whichwas favourable to this manoeuvre, and what astonishedthem most was to see that the ship which was advancedby the help of this wind likewise turned about, first to theright and then to the left, according to the captain's will.

At the conclusion of these manoeuvres the ship wasloaded with bread, roots, and other gifts, and the Adelantadoafter offering them some presents took leave ofBeuchios Anacauchoa and his sister, their followers andservants of both sexes. The impression left upon thelatter by this visit was stupefying. The Spaniardsmarched overland and returned to Isabella. On arrivingthere, it was learned that a certain Ximenes Roldan,formerly chief of the miners and camp-followers, whomthe Admiral had made his equerry and raised to the gradeof chief justice, was ill-disposed towards the Adelantado.It was simultaneously ascertained that the CaciqueGuarionex, unable longer to put up with the rapacityof Roldan and the other Spaniards at Isabella, had beendriven by despair to quit the country with his familyand a large number of his subjects, taking refuge in themountains which border the northern coast only tenleagues to the west of Isabella. Both these mountainsand their inhabitants bear the same name, Ciguaia.The chief of all the caciques inhabiting the mountainregion is called Maiobanexios, who lived at a place calledCapronus. These mountains are rugged, lofty, inaccessible,and rise from the sea in a semicircle. Betweenthe two extremities of the chain, there lies a beautifulplain, watered by numerous rivers which rise in thesemountains. The natives are ferocious and warlike, andit is thought they are of the same race as the cannibals,for when they descend from their mountains to fight withtheir neighbours in the plain, they eat all whom they kill.It was with the cacique of these mountains that Guarionextook refuge, bringing him gifts, consisting of things whichthe mountaineers lack. He told him that the Spaniardshad spared him neither ill-treatment nor humiliationnor violence, while neither humility nor pride had beenof the least use in his dealings with them. He came,therefore, to him as a suppliant, hoping to be protectedagainst the injustice of these criminals. Maiobanexiospromised him help and succour to the extent of his power.

Hastening back to La Concepcion the Adelantadosummoned Ximenes Roldan, who, accompanied by hisadherents, was prowling amongst the villages of theisland, to appear before him. Greatly irritated, theAdelantado asked him what his intentions were. Towhich Roldan impudently answered: "Your brother,the Admiral is dead, and we fully understand that oursovereigns have little care for us. Were we to obey you,we should die of hunger, and we are forced to hunt forprovisions in the island. Moreover, the Admiral confidedto me, as well as to you, the government of the island;hence, we are determined to obey you no longer." Headded other equally misplaced observations. Beforethe Adelantado could capture him, Roldan, followed byabout seventy men, escaped to Xaragua in the westernpart of the island, where, as the Adelantado reported tohis brother, they gave themselves over to violence,thievery, and massacre.[7]

[Note 7:Some of the principal colonists, including Valdiviesso and Diego deEscobar, favoured Roldan. The sketchy description of this notablerebellion here given may be completed by consulting Herrera, Dec. I.,3, i.; Fernando Columbus, Storia del Almirante; Irving, Columbus and hisCompanions, book xi., caps iv., v., etc.]

While these disturbances were in progress, theSpanish sovereigns finally granted the Admiral eightvessels, which Columbus promptly ordered to sail fromthe town of Cadiz, a city consecrated to Hercules. Theseships were freighted with provisions for the Adelantado.By chance they approached the western coast of theisland, where Ximenes Roldan and his accomplices were.Roldan won over the crews by promising them fresh younggirls instead of manual labour, pleasures instead ofexertion, plenty in place of famine, and repose insteadweariness and watching.

During this time Guarionex, who had assembled atroop of allies, made frequent descents upon the plain,killing all the Christians he surprised, ravaging thefields, driving off the workmen, and destroying villages.

Although Roldan and his followers were not ignorantthat the Admiral might arrive from one day to another,they had no fears, since they had won over to their sidethe crews of the ships that had been sent on ahead. Inthe midst of such miseries did the unfortunate Adelantadoawait from day to day the arrival of his brother. TheAdmiral sailed from Spain with the remainder of thesquadron but instead of sailing directly to Hispaniola, hefirst laid his course to the south.[8] What he accomplishedduring this new voyage, what seas and countries he visited,what unknown lands he discovered, I shall narrate, andI shall also explain at length the sequel of these disordersin the following books. Fare you well.

[Note 8:This was the third voyage of Columbus, concerning which some ofthe best sources of information are as follows: Oviedo, Hist. Gen. de lasIndias, lib. iii., 2, 4; Navarrete, tom iii., Lettera di Simone Verde a MateoCuri; Fernando Columbus, op. cit.; Herrera, dec. i., 7; R.H. Major,Hakluyt Society, 1870, Select Letters of Columbus.]

BOOK VI

TO THE SAME CARDINAL LUDOVICO D'ARAGON

On the third day of the calends of June, 1498,[1]Columbus sailed from the port of San Lucar deBarrameda, which is situated at the mouth ofthe Guadalquivir not far from Cadiz. His fleet consistedof eight heavily freighted ships. He avoided his usualroute by way of the Canaries, because of certain Frenchpirates who were lying in wait for him. Seven hundredand twenty miles north of the Fortunate Isles he sightedMadeira, which lies four degrees to the south of Seville;for at Seville, according to the mariners' report, thenorth star rises to the 36th degree, whereas at Madeirait is in the 32d. Madeira was, therefore, his first stop,and from thence he despatched five or six ships loadedwith provisions directly to Hispaniola, only keeping forhimself one ship with decks and two merchant caravels.He laid his course due south and reached the equinoctialline, which he purposed to follow directly to the west,making new discoveries and leaving Hispaniola to thenorth on his starboard side. The thirteen islands of theHesperides lie in the track of this voyage. They belongto the Portuguese, and all, save one, are inhabited.They are called the Cape Verde islands, and are distantonly a day's sail from the western part of Ethiopia. Toone of these islands the Portuguese have given the nameof Bona Vista[2]; and each year numerous lepers are curedof their malady by eating the turtles of this island.

[Note 1: The date was May 30, 1498, and the number of ships under his commandwas six, instead of eight. Much delay had occurred in fitting out the fleetfor the voyage, owing to the poor management of the royal functionaries,especially the Bishop of Burgos, whose enmity towards Columbus wasfrom thenceforward relentless.]

[Note 2: Properly Boavista. A leper colony had been established here by thePortuguese.]

The climate being very bad, the Admiral quicklyleft the archipelago behind, and sailed 480 miles towardsthe west-south-west. He reports that the dead calmsand the fierce heat of the June sun caused such sufferingsthat his ships almost took fire. The hoops ofhis water barrels burst, and the water leaked out. Hismen found this heat intolerable. The pole star was thenat an elevation of five degrees. Of the eight daysduring which they endured these sufferings only the firstwas clear; the others being cloudy and rainy, but noton that account less oppressive. More than once, indeed,did he repent having taken this course. After eight days ofthese miseries a favourable wind rose from the south-west,by which the Admiral profited to sail directly west, andunder this parallel he observed new stars in the heavens,and experienced a more agreeable temperature. In fact,all his men agree in saying that after three days' sailingin that direction, the air was much cooler. The Admiralaffirms that, while he was in the region of dead calms andtorrid heat, the ship always mounted the back of thesea, just as when climbing a high mountain one seems toadvance towards the sky, and yet, nevertheless, he hadseen no land on the horizon. Finally, on the eve of thecalends of July, a watcher announced with a joyful cry,from the crow's nest, that he saw three lofty mountains.[3]He exhorted his companions to keep up their courage.The men were, indeed, much depressed, not merelybecause they had been scorched by the sun, but becausethe water-supply was short. The barrels had beensprung by the extreme heat, and lost the water throughthe cracks. Full of rejoicing they advanced, but as theywere about to touch land they perceived that this was impossible,because the sea was dotted with reefs, althoughin the neighbourhood they descried a harbour whichseemed a spacious one. From their ships the Spaniardscould see that the country was inhabited and well cultivated;for they saw well-ordered gardens and shadyorchards, while the sweet odours, exhaled by plants and treesbathed in the morning dew, reached their nostrils.

[Note 3: Alonzo Perez Nirando, a sailor from Huelva, made the joyous announcement,and the sailors sang the Salve Regina in thanksgiving.Columbus named the island Trinidad, having already decided to dedicatethe first sighted land to the Holy Trinity. The three mountain peaksclose together seemed to render the name all the more appropriate.]

Twenty miles from that place, the Admiral found a sufficientlylarge port to shelter his ships, though no river flowedinto it. Sailing farther on he finally discovered a satisfactoryharbour for repairing his vessels and also replenishinghis supply of water and wood. He called this land Puntadel Arenal.[4] There was no sign of any habitation inthe neighbourhood of the harbour, but there were manytracks of animals similar to goats, and in fact the body ofone of those animals, closely resembling a goat, was found.On the morrow, a canoe was seen in the distance carryingeighty men, all of whom were young, good-looking, andof lofty stature. Besides their bows and arrows theywere armed with shields, which is not the custom amongthe other islanders. They wore their hair long, partedin the middle, and plastered down quite in the Spanishfashion. Save for their loin-cloths of various colouredcottons, they were entirely naked.

[Note 4:The narrative at this point is somewhat sketchy, but the author,doubtless, faithfully recounted the events as they were reported to him.The ships approached the island from the east, and then coasted its shorefor five leagues beyond the cape named by Columbus La Galera, becauseof it's imagined resemblance to a galley under sail. The next day hecontinued his course westwards, and named another headland Punta de laPlaya; this was a Wednesday, August the first; and as the fleet passedbetween La Galera and La Playa, the South American continent was firstdiscovered, some twenty-five leagues distant. Fernando Columbus affirmsthat his father, thinking it was another island, called it Isla Santa; but inreality Columbus named the continent Tierra de Gracia. Punta delArenal forms the south-western extremity of the island and is separatedby a channel, according to Columbus, two leagues broad.]

The Admiral's opinion was that this country was nearerto the sky than any other land situated in the same paralleland that it was above the thick vapours which rose fromthe valleys and swamps, just as the high peaks of loftymountains are distant from the deep valleys. AlthoughColumbus declared that during this voyage he had followedwithout deviation the parallel of Ethiopia, there are thegreatest possible physical differences between the nativesof Ethiopia and those of the islands; for the Ethiopians areblack and have curly, woolly hair, while these natives areon the contrary white, and have long, straight, blondhair. What the causes of these differences may be, Ido not know. They are due rather to the conditions ofthe earth than to those of the sky; for we know perfectlywell that snow falls and lies on the mountains of the torridzone, while in northern countries far distant from thatzone the inhabitants are overcome by great heat.

In order to attract the natives they had met, theAdmiral made them some presents of mirrors, cupsof bright polished brass, bells, and other similar trifles,but the more he called to them, the more they drewoff. Nevertheless, they looked intently and with sincereadmiration at our men, their instruments and their ships,but without laying down their oars. Seeing that hecould not attract them by his presents, the Admiralordered his trumpets and flutes to be played, on thelargest ship, and the men to dance and sing a chorus.He hoped that the sweetness of the songs and the strangesounds might win them over, but the young men imaginedthat the Spaniards were singing preparatory to engagingin battle, so in the twinkling of an eye they dropped theiroars and seized their bows and arrows, protecting theirarms with their shields, and, while waiting to understandthe meaning of the sounds, stood ready to let fly a volleyagainst our men. The Spaniards sought to draw nearlittle by little, in such wise as to surround them; butthe natives retreated from the Admiral's vessel and,confident in their ability as oarsmen, they approached sonear to one of the smaller ships that from the poop acloak was given to the pilot of the canoe, and a cap toanother chief. They made signs to the captain of theship to come to land, in order that they might the moreeasily come to an understanding; but when they saw thatthe captain drew near to the Admiral's vessel to askpermission to land, they feared some trap, and quicklyjumped into their canoe and sped away with the rapidityof the wind.

The Admiral relates that to the west of that island andnot far distant he came upon a strong current flowing fromeast to west.[5] It ran with such force that he comparedits violence to that of a vast cataract flowing from amountain height. He declared that he had never beenexposed to such serious danger since he began, as a boy,to sail the seas. Advancing as best he could amongstthese raging waves, he discovered a strait some eightmiles long, which resembled the entrance of a largeharbour. The current flowed towards that strait, whichhe called Boca de la Sierpe, naming an island besideit, Margarita. From this strait there flowed anothercurrent of fresh water, thus coming into conflict withthe salt waters and causing such waves that there seemedto rage between the two currents a terrible combat.In spite of these difficulties, the Admiral succeeded inpenetrating into the gulf, where he found the watersdrinkable and agreeable.

[Note 5:Columbus was then near the mouth of the Orinoco River.]

Another very singular thing the Admiral has told me,and which is confirmed by his companions (all worthyof credence and whom I carefully questioned concerningthe details of the voyage), is that he sailed twenty-sixleagues, that is to say, one hundred and forty-eight miles,in fresh water; and the farther he advanced to the west,the fresher the water became.[6] Finally, he sighted avery lofty mountain, of which the eastern part wasinhabited only by a multitude of monkeys with verylong tails. All this side of the mountain is very steep,which explains why no people live there. A man,sent to reconnoitre the country, reported however thatit was all cultivated and that the fields were sown, thoughnowhere were there people or huts. Our own peasantsoften go some distance from their homes to sow theirfields. On the western side of the mountain was a largeplain. The Spaniards were well satisfied to drop anchorin such a great river.[7] As soon as the natives knew ofthe landing of an unknown race on their coasts, theycollected about the Spaniards anxious to examine them,and displaying not the slightest fear. It was learned bysigns that that country was called Paria, that it wasvery extensive, and that its population was most numerousin its western part. The Admiral invited four nativesto come on board and continued his course to the west.

[Note 6:See Orinoco Illustrado, by Gumilla, 1754, also Schomburgk's Reisenin Guiana und Orinoco. The fresh waters of the estuary are in fact drivena considerable distance out to sea.]

[Note 7:This was the first landing of the Spaniards on the American continent,but Columbus, being ill, did not go on shore. Pedro de Torreros tookpossession in the Admiral's name (Navarrete, tom. iii., p. 569). FernandoColumbus states that his father suffered from inflamed eyes, and thatfrom about this time he was forced to rely for information upon his sailorsand pilots (Storia, cap. lxv.-lxxiii.). He seemed nevertheless to divinethe immensity of the newly discovered land, for he wrote to the sovereignsy creo esta tierra que agora, mandaron discrubir vuestras altezzas seagrandissima.]

Judging by the agreeable temperature, the attractivenessof the country, and the number of people they dailysaw during their voyage, the Spaniards concluded that thecountry is a very important one, and in this opinion theywere not wrong, as we shall demonstrate at the propertime. One morning at the break of dawn the Spaniardslanded, being attracted by the charm of the countryand the sweet odours wafted to them from the forests.They discovered at that point a larger number of peoplethan they had thus far seen, and as they were approachingthe shore, messengers came in the name of the caciquesof that country, inviting them to land and to have nofears. When Columbus refused, the natives urged bycuriosity, flocked about the ships in their barques. Mostof them wore about their necks and arms, collars andbracelets of gold and ornaments of Indian pearls, whichseemed just as common amongst them as glass jewelryamongst our women. When questioned as to whencecame the pearls, they answered by pointing with theirfingers to a neighbouring coast; by grimaces and gesturesthey seemed to indicate that if the Spaniards would stopwith them they would give them basketfuls of pearls.The provisions which the Admiral destined for the colonyat Hispaniola were beginning to spoil, so he resolved todefer this commercial operation till a more convenientopportunity. Nevertheless he despatched two boatsloaded with soldiers, to barter with the people on landfor some strings of pearls and, at the same time, to discoverwhatever they could about the place and its people.The natives received these men with enthusiasm andpleasure, and great numbers surrounded them, as thoughthey were inspecting something marvellous. The firstwho came forward were two distinguished persons, forthey were followed by the rest of the crowd. The first ofthese men was aged and the second younger, so that itwas supposed they were the father and his son and futuresuccessor. After exchanging salutations the Spaniardswere conducted to a round house near a large square.Numerous seats of very black wood decorated with astonishingskill were brought, and when the principal Spaniardsand natives were seated, some attendants served food andothers, drink. These people eat only fruits, of which theyhave a great variety, and very different from ours. Thebeverages they offered were white and red wine, notmade from grapes but from various kinds of crushedfruits, which were not at all disagreeable.

This repast concluded, in company with the elderchief, the younger one conducted the Spaniards to hisown house, men and women crowding about in greatnumbers, but always in separate groups from one another.

The natives of both sexes have bodies as white as ours,save those perhaps who pass their time in the sun. Theywere amiable, hospitable, and wore no clothes, savewaist-cloths of various coloured cotton stuffs. All ofthem wore either collars or bracelets of gold or pearls,and some wore both, just as our peasants wear glassjewelry. When they were asked whence the gold came,they indicated with the finger that it was from a mountainouscountry, appearing at the same time to dissuadeour men from going there, for they made them understandby gestures and signs that the inhabitants of that countrywere cannibals. It was not, however, entirely clearwhether they meant cannibals or savage beasts. Theywere much vexed to perceive that the Spaniards did notunderstand them, and that they possessed no means ofmaking themselves intelligible to one another. At threeo'clock in the afternoon the men who had been sent onshore returned, bringing several strings of pearls, and theAdmiral, who could not prolong his stay, because of hiscargo of provisions, raised anchor and sailed. He intends,however, after putting the affairs of Hispaniola inorder, shortly to return. It was another than he whoprofited by this important discovery.

The shallowness of the sea and the numerous currents,which at each change of the tide dashed against andinjured the lesser vessels, much retarded the Admiral'sprogress, and to avoid the perils of the shallows he alwayssent one of the lighter caravels ahead; this vessel beingof short draught took repeated soundings and the otherlarger ones followed. At that time two provinces of thevast region of Paria, Cumaná and Manacapana, werereached, and along their shores the Admiral coastedfor two hundred miles. Sixty leagues farther on beginsanother country called Curiana. As the Admiral hadalready covered such a distance, he thought the landlying ahead of him was an island, and that if he continuedhis course to the west he would be unable to get back tothe north and reach Hispaniola. It was then that he cameupon the mouth of a river whose depth was thirty cubits,with an unheard-of width which he described as twenty-eightleagues. A little farther on, always in a westerlydirection though somewhat to the south, since he followedthe line of the coast, the Admiral sailed into a sea of grassof which the seeds resemble those of the lentil. Thedensity of this growth retarded the advance of the ships.

The Admiral declares that in the whole of that regionthe day constantly equals the night. The north staris elevated as in Paria to five degrees above the horizon,and all the coasts of that newly discovered country areon the same parallel. He likewise reports details concerningthe differences he observed in the heavens,which are so contradictory to astronomical theories thatI wish to make some comments. It is proven, MostIllustrious Prince, that the polar star, which our sailorscall Tramontane, is not the point of the arctic poleupon which the axis of the heavens turns. To realisethis easily, it is only necessary to look through a smallhole at the pole star itself, when the stars are rising.If one then looks through the same aperture at thesame star when dawn is paling the stars, it will be seenthat it has changed its place; but how can it be inthis newly discovered country that the star rises at thebeginning of twilight in the month of June to a heightof only five degrees above the horizon, and when thestars are disappearing before the sunrise, it should befound by the same observer to be in the fifteenth degree?I do not at all understand it, and I must confess the reasonsthe Admiral gives by no means satisfy me. Indeed,according to his conjectures, the terrestrial globe is notan absolute sphere, but had at the time of its creation asort of elevation rising on its convex side, so that insteadof resembling a ball or an apple, it was more like a pear,and Paria would be precisely that elevated part, nearestto the sky. He has also persisted in affirming that theearthly paradise[8] is situated on the summit of thosethree mountains, which the watcher from the height ofthe crow's nest observed in the distance, as I haverecounted. As for the impetuous current of fresh waterwhich rushed against the tide of the sea at the beginningof that strait, he maintains that it is formed of waterswhich fall in cascades from the heights of these mountains.But we have had enough of these things which to meseem fabulous. Let us return to our narrative.

[Note 8:Speaking of the earthly paradise, Columbus describes it as adondene puede llegar nadie, sabro par voluntad divina. Vespucci it was whothought it would be found in the New World; se nel mondo e alcun paradisoterrestre.]

Seeing his course across that vast gulf had, contraryto his expectation, been arrested, and fearing to find noexit towards the north through which he might reachHispaniola, the Admiral retraced his course and sailingnorth of that country he bent towards the east in thedirection of Hispaniola.

Those navigators who later explored this region morecarefully believe that it is the Indian continent, and notCuba, as the Admiral thought; and there are not wantingmariners who pretend that they have sailed all roundCuba. Whether they are right or whether they seek togratify their jealousy of the author of a great discovery,I am not bound to decide.[9] Time will decide, and Timeis the only truthful judge. The Admiral likewise discussesthe question whether or not Paria is a continent; hehimself thinks it is. Paria lies to the south of Hispaniola,a distance of 882 leagues, according to Columbus. Uponthe third day of the calends of September of the year1498, he reached Hispaniola, most anxious to see againhis soldiers and his brother whom he had left there.But, as commonly happens in human affairs, fortune,however favourable, mingles with circumstances, sweetand pleasant, some grain of bitterness. In this case itwas internecine discord which marred his happiness.

[Note 9:Rivalry and perhaps jealousy existed among the navigators, eachbent on eclipsing the achievements of his fellows, and the former feelingwas a spur to enterprise. Yañez Pinzon, Amerigo Vespucci, Juan Diazde Solis all explored the American coasts, discovering Yucatan, Florida,Texas, and Honduras.]

BOOK VII

TO THE SAME CARDINAL LUDOVICO D'ARAGON

Upon his arrival at Hispaniola, the Admiral found aneven greater state of disorder than he had feared,for Roldan had taken advantage of his absence torefuse obedience to his brother, Bartholomew Columbus.Resolved not to submit to him who had formerly beenhis master and had raised him in dignity, he had stirredup the multitude in his own favour and had alsovilified the Adelantado and had written heinous accusationsto the King against the brothers. The Admirallikewise sent envoys to inform the sovereigns of therevolt, begging them at the same time to send soldiers toput down the insurrection and punish the guilty, accordingto their crimes. Roldan and his accomplices preferredgrave charges against the Admiral and the Adelantado,who, according to them, were impious, unjust men, enemiesto the Spaniards, whose blood they had profuselyshed. They were accused of torturing, strangling, decapitatingand, in divers other ways, killing peopleon the most trifling pretexts. They were envious,proud, and intolerable tyrants; therefore, people avoidedthem as they would fly from wild beasts, or from theenemies of the Crown. It had in fact been discoveredthat the sole thought of the brothers was to usurp thegovernment of the island. This had been proven bydifferent circumstances, but chiefly by the fact thatthey allowed none but their own partisans to workthe gold-mines.

In soliciting reinforcements from the sovereigns, sufficientto deal with the rebels according to their merits,the Admiral explained that those men who dared thusto accuse him were guilty of misdemeanours and crimes;for they were debauchees, profligates, thieves, seducers,ravishers, vagabonds. They respected nothing and wereperjurers and liars, already condemned by the tribunals,or fearful, owing to their numerous crimes, to appearbefore them. They had formed a faction amongst themselves,given over to violence and rapine; lazy, gluttonous,caring only to sleep and to carouse. They spared nobody;and having been brought to the island of Hispaniolaoriginally to do the work of miners or of camp servants,they now never moved a step from their houses on foot,but insisted on being carried about the island upon theshoulders of the unfortunate natives, as though they weredignitaries of the State.[1] Not to lose practice in theshedding of blood, and to exercise the strength of theirarms, they invented a game in which they drew theirswords, and amused themselves in cutting off the headsof innocent victims with one sole blow. Whoever succeededin more quickly landing the head of an unfortunateislander on the ground with one stroke, was proclaimedthe bravest, and as such was honoured.[2] Such werethe mutual accusations bandied about between theAdmiral and the partisans of Roldan, not to mentionmany other imputations.

[Note 1:Ab insularibus namque miseris pensiles per totam insulam, tanquamædiles curules, feruntur.]

[Note 2:See Las Casas, Brevissima Relacion, English translation, pub. by G.P.Putnam's Sons, 1909.]

Meanwhile the Admiral, desiring to put a stop to thedangerous attacks of the Ciguana tribe which had revoltedunder the leadership of Guarionex, sent his brother theAdelantado with ninety foot-soldiers and some horsemenagainst them. It may be truthfully added that aboutthree thousand of the islanders who had suffered fromthe invasions of the Ciguana tribe, who were their swornenemies, joined forces with the Spaniards. The Adelantadoled his troops to the bank of a great river whichwaters the plain between the sea and the two extremesof the mountain chain of Ciguana, of which we havealready spoken. He surprised two of the enemy's spieswho were concealed in the underbrush, one of whom spranginto the sea, and, swimming across the river at its mouth,succeeded in escaping to his own people. From the onewho was captured, it was learned that six thousandnatives of Ciguana were hidden in the forest beyond theriver and were prepared to attack the Spaniards whenthey crossed over. The Adelantado therefore marchedalong the river bank seeking a ford. This he soon foundin the plain, and was preparing to cross the river whenthe Ciguana warriors rushed out from the forest incompact battalions, yelling in a most horrible manner.Their appearance is fearsome and repulsive, and theymarch into battle daubed with paint, as did the Thraciansand Agathyrses. These natives indeed paint themselvesfrom the forehead to the knees, with black and scarletcolours which they extract from certain fruits similarto pears, and which they carefully cultivate in theirgardens. Their hair is tormented into a thousand strangeforms, for it is long and black, and what nature refusesthey supply by art. They look like goblins emergedfrom the infernal caverns. Advancing towards our menwho were trying to cross the river, they contested theirpassage with flights of arrows and by throwing pointedsticks; and such was the multitude of projectiles that theyhalf darkened the light of the sun, and had not theSpaniards received the blows on their shields the engagementwould have ended badly for them.

A number of men were wounded in this first encounter,but the Adelantado succeeded in crossing the river andthe enemy fled, the Spaniards pursuing them, though theykilled few, as the islanders are good runners. As soon asthey gained the protection of the woods, they used theirbows to repulse their pursuers, for they are accustomedto woods, and run naked amongst underbrush, shrubs,and trees, like wild boars, heedless of obstacles. TheSpaniards, on the contrary, were hindered amongst thisundergrowth by their shields, their clothes, their longlances, and their ignorance of the surroundings. Aftera night passed uselessly in the woods the Adelantado,realising the next morning that they could catch nobody,followed the counsel of those islanders who are the immemorialenemies of the Ciguana tribe, and under theirguidance marched towards the mountains where the KingMaiobanexius lived at a place called Capronus. Twelvemiles' march brought them to the village of anothercacique, which had been abandoned by its terrifiedinhabitants, and there he established his camp. Twonatives were captured, from whom it was learned thatKing Maiobanexius and ten caciques with eight thousandsoldiers were assembled at Capronus. During two daysthere were a few light skirmishes between the parties,the Adelantado not wishing to do more than reconnoitrethe country. Scouts were sent out the following nightunder the guidance of some islanders who knew the land.The people of Ciguana caught sight of our men from theheights of their mountains, and prepared to give battle,uttering war-cries as is their custom. But they did notventure to quit their woods, because they thought theAdelantado had his entire army with him. Twice on thefollowing day, when the Adelantado marched on with hismen, the natives tested the fortune of war; hurling themselvesagainst the Spaniards with fury, they woundedmany before they could protect themselves with theirshields, but the latter, getting the better of them, pursuedthem, cutting some in pieces, and taking a large numberprisoners. Those who escaped took refuge in the forests,from which they were careful not to emerge.

The Adelantado selected one of the prisoners, and sendingwith him one of his allies, he despatched them bothto Maiobanexius with the following message: "TheAdelantado has not undertaken to make war upon youand your people, O Maiobanexius, for he desires yourfriendship; but he formally demands that Guarionex,who has taken refuge with you and has drawn you intothis conflict to the great damage of your people, shall bedelivered to him to be punished as he merits. He counselsyou, therefore, to give up this cacique; if you consent,the Admiral will count you among his friends and protectand respect your territory. If you refuse you will be madeto repent, for your entire country will be devastated withfire and sword, and all you possess will be destroyed."Maiobanexius, upon hearing this message, replied:"Everybody knows that Guarionex is a hero, adornedwith all the virtues, and therefore I have esteemed itright to assist and protect him. As for you, you areviolent and perfidious men, and seek to shed the bloodof innocent people: I will neither enter into relationswith you, nor form any alliance with so false a people."

When this answer was brought to the Adelantado,he burnt the village where he had established his campand several others in the neighbourhood. He againsent envoys to Maiobanexius, to ask him to name one ofhis trusty advisers to treat for peace. Maiobanexiusconsented to send one of the most devoted of his counsellors,accompanied by two other chiefs. The Adelantadoearnestly conjured them not to jeopardise the territoryof Maiobanexius solely in the interests of Guarionex.He advised Maiobanexius, if he did not wish to be ruinedhimself and to be treated as an enemy, to give him up.

When his envoys returned, Maiobanexius called togetherhis people and explained the conditions. The peoplecried that Guarionex must be surrendered, cursing andexecrating the day he had come amongst them to disturbtheir tranquillity. The cacique reminded them,however, that Guarionex was a hero, and had renderedhim services when he fled to him for protection, for hehad brought him royal presents. Moreover, he hadtaught both the cacique himself and his wife to sing anddance, a thing not to be held in mediocre consideration.Maiobanexius was determined never to surrender theprince who had appealed to his protection, and whom hehad promised to defend. He was prepared to risk thegravest perils with him rather than to merit the reproachof having betrayed his guest. Despite the complaintsof the people, the cacique dissolved the assembly, andcalling Guarionex to him, he pledged himself for thesecond time to protect him and to share his fortunes aslong as he lived.

Maiobanexius resolved to give no further informationto the Adelantado: on the contrary he ordered his firstmessenger to station himself with some faithful soldiersat a place on the road where the Adelantado's envoysusually passed, and to kill any Spaniards who appeared,without further discussion. The Adelantado had justsent his messengers, and both these men, one ofwhom was a prisoner from Ciguana and the other fromamongst the native allies, were decapitated. TheAdelantado, escorted by only ten foot-soldiers and fourhorsemen, followed his envoys and discovered theirbodies lying in the road, which so incensed him that hedetermined to no longer spare Maiobanexius. He invadedthe cacique's village of Capronus with his army. Thecaciques fled in every direction, abandoning their chief,who withdrew with his entire family into places of concealmentin the mountain districts. Some others of theCiguana people sought to capture Guarionex, since hewas the occasion of the catastrophe; but he succeeded inescaping and concealed himself almost alone amidstthe rocks and desert mountains. The soldiers of theAdelantado were exhausted by this long war, whichdragged on for three months; the watches, the fatigues,and the scarcity of food. In response to their requestthey were authorised to return to Concepcion, wherethey owned handsome plantations of the native sort;and thither many withdrew. Only thirty companionsremained with the Adelantado, all of whom were severelytried by these three months of fighting, during which theyhad eaten nothing but cazabi, that is to say, bread madeof roots, and even they were not always ripe. They alsoprocured some utias, or rabbits, by hunting with theirdogs, while their only drink had been water, which wassometimes exquisitely fresh, but just as often muddy andmarshy. Moreover the character of the war obliged themto pass most of the time in the open air and perpetualmovement.

With his little troop the Adelantado determined toscour the mountains to seek out the secret retreatswhere Maiobanexius and Guarionex had concealed themselves.Some Spaniards, who had been driven by hungerto hunt utias for want of something better, met twoservants of Maiobanexius, whom the cacique had sentinto the villages of his territory, and who were carryingback native bread. They forced these men to betraythe hiding-place of their chief, and under their leadership,twelve soldiers who had stained their bodies like the peopleof Ciguana succeeded by trickery in capturing Maiobanexius,his wife, and his son, all of whom they broughtto the Admiral at Concepcion. A few days later hungercompelled Guarionex to emerge from the cavern wherehe was concealed, and the islanders, out of fear of theAdmiral, betrayed him to the hunters. As soon as helearned his whereabouts, the Admiral sent a bodyof foot-soldiers to take him, just at the moment whenhe was about to quit the plain, and return to themountains. These men caught him and brought himback, after which that region was pacified, and tranquillityrestored.

A relative of Maiobanexius who was married to acacique whose territory had not yet been invaded, sharedthe former's misfortunes. Everybody agreed in sayingthat she was the most beautiful of the women nature hadcreated in the island of Hispaniola. Her husband lovedher dearly, as she merited, and when she was capturedby the Spaniards he almost lost his reason, and wandereddistractedly in desert places, doubtful what course topursue. Finally he presented himself before the Admiral,promising that he and his people would submit withoutconditions, if he would only restore him his wife.His prayer was granted and at the same time severalothers of the principal captives were likewise freed.This same cacique then assembled five thousandnatives who instead of weapons carried agriculturalimplements, and went himself to labour and plant thecrops in one of the largest valleys in his territories.The Admiral thanked him by means of presents, andthe cacique came back rejoicing. This news spreadthroughout Ciguana, and the other caciques began tohope that they too might be treated with clemency,so they came in person to promise they would infuture obey the orders given them. They asked thattheir chief and his family might be spared, and inresponse to their petition, the wife and childrenwere delivered to them, but Maiobanexius was held aprisoner.

While the Admiral was thus engaged in administering theaffairs of Hispaniola, he was ignorant of the intrigues hisadversaries were carrying on against him at the SpanishCourt.[3] Wearied by these continuous quarrels, andabove all annoyed at receiving but a small quantity ofgold and valuable products because of these dissensions andrevolts, the sovereigns, appointed another Governor,[4] who,after a careful enquiry, should punish the guilty and sendthem back to Spain, I do not precisely know what hascome to light against either the Admiral or his brother theAdelantado, or their enemies; but this is certain, that theAdmiral and his brother were seized, put in irons, deprivedof all their property, and brought to Spain; and ofthis, Most Illustrious Prince, you are not ignorant. It istrue that the sovereigns, when they learned that theColumbus brothers had arrived at Cadiz loaded withirons, promptly sent their secretaries to order their releaseand that their children should be allowed to visit them;nor did they conceal their disapproval of this roughtreatment.[5] It is claimed that the new Governor hassent to the sovereigns some letters in the handwritingof the Admiral, but in cipher, in which the latter summonedhis brother the Adelantado, who was at that timeabsent with his soldiers, to hasten back and repel forcewith force, in case the Governor sought to use violence.The Adelantado preceded his soldiers, and the Governorseized him and his brother before their partisans couldrejoin them. What will be the outcome, time will show,for time is the supreme arbiter of events. Fare you well.

[Note 3: One of the most inveterate of his enemies was Juan de Fonseca,afterwards Bishop of Burgos, who was unfortunately in a position todo Columbus serious harm.]

[Note 4: Francisco de Bobadilla, commander of Calatrava.]

[Note 5: The sovereigns made what amends they could for the abusive executionof their orders by over-zealous agents; they sent Columbus a present oftwo thousand ducats––not an insignificant sum at the time––and wrotehim a letter, full of affectionate expressions of confidence; he was admittedto audience on December 17th.]

BOOK VIII

TO THE SAME CARDINAL LUDOVICO D'ARAGON

I have presented to you this immense and hithertounknown ocean which the Admiral, ChristopherColumbus, discovered, under the auspices of our sovereigns,in the guise of a necklace of gold, although, owingto the poor skill of the artisan, it is but poorly executed.Yet I have judged it worthy, Most Illustrious Prince, ofyour splendour. Accept now a necklace of pearls which,suspended from the former, will ornament your breast.

Some of the Admiral's ship-captains who had made astudy of the different wind-currents sought the royalpermission to prosecute discoveries at their own expense,[1]proposing to relinquish to the Crown its due, that is tosay, one fifth of the profits. The most fortunate of theseadventurers was a certain Pedro Alonzo Nuñez,[2] whosailed towards the south; and it is of his expedition thatI will first write. To come at once to the essential detailsof this voyage, this Nuñez had but one ship, fitted out athis expense, though some people claimed that he washelped.[3] The royal edict forbade him to anchor withinfifty leagues of any place discovered by the Admiral. Hesailed towards Paria, where, as I have said, Columbusfound both native men and women wearing braceletsand necklaces of pearls. In obedience to the royaldecree he coasted along this shore, leaving behind himthe provinces of Cumana and Manacapana, and thusarrived at a country called by its inhabitants Curiana,where he discovered a harbour quite similar to that ofCadiz.

[Note 1: See Navarrete, tom, ii., 1867; Gomara, Historia General, p. 50.]

[Note 2: Also called Niño; he had sailed with Columbus on his first two voyages.Oviedo, op. cit., xix., I, also describes this expedition.]

[Note 3: Nuñez was poor and only found assistance from a merchant of Sevillecalled Guerro, on condition that the latter's brother, Christobal, shouldcommand the one ship his loan sufficed to provide. This vessel wasonly fifty tons burden, and carried a crew of thirty-three persons.]

Upon entering this harbour he found a number of housesscattered along the banks, but when he landed it wasdiscovered to be a group of eight houses; about fifty men,led by their chief, promptly came from a populous villageonly three miles distant. These men, who were naked,invited Alonzo Nuñez to land on their coast, and heconsented. He distributed some needles, bracelets, rings,glass pearls, and other pedlar's trifles amongst them, andin less than an hour he obtained from them in exchangefifteen ounces of the pearls they wore on their necksand arms. The natives embraced Nuñez affectionately,insisting more and more that he should come to theirvillage, where they promised to give him any amount ofpearls he might desire. The next day at dawn the shipdrew near to the village and anchored. The entirepopulation assembled and begged the men to land, butNuñez, seeing that they were very numerous and consideringthat he had only thirty men, did not venture totrust himself to them. He made them understandby signs and gestures that they should come to the shipin barques and canoes. These barques, like the others,are dug out of a single tree-trunk, but are less well shapedand less easy to handle than those used by the cannibalsand the natives of Hispaniola. They are called gallitas.The natives all brought strings of pearls, which are calledtenoras, and showed themselves desirous of Spanishmerchandise.

They are amiable men; simple, innocent, and hospitable,as was made clear after twenty days of intercourse withthem. The Spaniards very soon ceased to fear to entertheir houses, which are built of wood covered with palmleaves. Their principal food is the meat of the shellfishfrom which they extract pearls, and their shores aboundwith such. They likewise eat the flesh of wild animals,for deer, wild-boar, rabbits whose hair and colour resembleour hares, doves, and turtle-doves exist in their country.The women keep ducks and geese about the houses,just as ours do; peacocks fly about in the woods, but theircolours are not so rich or so varied as ours and the malebird differs little from the female. Amongst the undergrowthin the swamps, pheasants are from time to timeseen. The people of Curiana are skilful hunters andgenerally with one single arrow shot they kill beasts orbirds at which they aim. The Spaniards spent severaldays amongst the abundance of the country. Theytraded four needles for a peacock, only two for a pheasant,and one for a dove or a turtle-dove. The same, or aglass bead, was given for a goose. In making their offersand bargaining and disputing, the natives conductedtheir commercial affairs just about the same as do ourwomen when they are arguing with pedlars. As theywore no clothes, the natives were puzzled to know theuse of needles, but when the Spaniards satisfied theirnaive curiosity by showing them that needles were usefulfor getting thorns from beneath the skin, and for cleaningthe teeth, they conceived a great opinion of them.Another thing which pleased them even more was thecolour and sound of hawk-bells, which they were readyto buy at good prices.

From the native houses the roaring of large animals[4]was audible amidst the dense and lofty forest trees, butthese animals are not fierce, for, although the nativesconstantly wander through the woods with no otherweapons than their bows and arrows, there is no recollectionof any one being killed by these beasts. Theybrought the Spaniards as many deer and wild-boar,slain with their arrows, as the latter desired. They didnot possess cattle or goats or sheep, and they ate breadmade of roots and bread made of grain the same as theislanders of Hispaniola. Their hair is black, thick, halfcurly, and long. They try to spoil the whiteness of theirteeth, for almost the entire day they chew a herb whichblackens them, and when they spit it out, they wash theirmouth. It is the women who labour in the fields ratherthan the men, the latter spending their time in hunting,fighting, or leading dances and games.

[Note 4: Supposed to have been tapirs, animals unknown in Europe.]

Pitchers, cups with handles, and pots are their earthenwareutensils, which they procure from elsewhere, forthey frequently hold markets, which all the neighbouringtribes attend, each bringing the products of his countryto be exchanged for those of other places. In fact, thereis nobody who is not delighted to obtain what is not tobe had at home, because the love of novelty is an essentialsentiment of human nature. They hang little birds andother small animals, artistically worked in base gold,[5] totheir pearls. These trinkets they obtain by trade, and themetal resembles the German gold used for coining florins.

[Note 5: A kind of alloyed gold called by the natives guanin; the Spaniardswere often deceived by its glitter.]

The men either carry their private parts enclosed in alittle gourd which has been opened at the back, like ourcod-piece, or they use a seashell. The gourd hangs froma cord tied round the waist.[6] The presence of the animalsabove mentioned, and many other indications notfound in any of the islands, afford evidence that this landis a continent. The most conclusive proof[7] seems to bethat the Spaniards followed the coast of Paria for adistance of about three thousand miles always in a westerlydirection, but without discovering any end to it. Whenasked whence they procured their gold, the people ofCuriana answered that it came from a country calledCauchieta situated about six suns distant (which meanssix days) to the west, and that it was the artisans of thatregion who worked the gold into the form in which theysaw it. The Spaniards sailed towards Cauchieta andanchored there near the shore on the calends of November,1500. The natives fearlessly approached and broughtthem gold, which in its rough state is not valued amongstthem. The people also wore pearls round their throats;but these came from Curiana, where they had beenobtained in exchange for gold, and none of them wantedto part with anything they had obtained by trade. Thatis to say the people of Curiana kept their gold, and thepeople of Cauchieta their pearls, so that very little goldwas obtained at Cauchieta.[8] The Spaniards brought awaysome very pretty monkeys and a number of parrots ofvaried colours, from that country.

[Note 6: The text continues: alibi in eo tractu intra vaginam mentularemquenervum reducunt, funiculoque præputium alligant.]

[Note 7: Navarrete, iii., 14.]

[Note 8: Auri tamen parum apud Cauchietenses: lectum reperere meaning, doubtless,that they traded away most of their gold for pearls.]

The temperature in the month of November was delicious,without a sign of cold. Each evening the stars whichmark the north pole disappeared, so near is that region tothe equator; but it was not possible to calculate preciselythe polar degrees. The natives are sensible and not suspicious,and some of the people of Curiana passed the entirenight in company with our men, coming out in their barquesto join them. Pearls they call corixas. They are jealous,and when strangers visit them, they make their women withdrawbehind the house, from whence the latter examine theguests as though they were prodigies. Cotton is plentifuland grows wild in Cauchieta, just as shrubs do in our forests,and of this they make trousers which they wear.

Continuing their course along the same coast, theSpaniards suddenly encountered about two thousand menarmed according to the fashion of the country, who preventedthem from landing. They were so barbarous andferocious that it was impossible to establish the smallestrelations with them or to effect any trade; so, as our menwere satisfied with the pearls they had procured, theyreturned by the same course to Curiana, where theyremained for another twenty days bountifully suppliedwith provisions.

It seems to me neither out of place nor useless to thishistory, to here narrate what happened when they arrivedwithin sight of the coasts of Paria. They encounteredby chance a squadron of eighteen canoes full of cannibalsengaged in a man-hunt: this was near the Boca de laSierpe and the strait leading to the gulf of Paria, whichI have before described. The cannibals unconcernedlyapproached the ship, surrounding it, and shooting flightsof arrows and javelins at our men. The Spaniardsreplied by a cannon shot, which promptly scattered them.In pursuing them, the ship's boat came up with one oftheir canoes, but was able to capture only a single cannibaland a bound prisoner, the others having all escaped byswimming. This prisoner burst into tears, and by hisgestures and rolling his eyes, gave it to be understood thatsix of his companions had been cruelly disembowelled,cut into pieces, and devoured by those monsters, and thatthe same fate awaited him on the morrow. They madehim a present of the cannibal, upon whom he immediatelythrew himself, gnashing his teeth and belabouring himwith blows of a stick and his fists and with kicks, for hebelieved that the death of his companions would not besufficiently avenged till he beheld the cannibal insensibleand beaten black and blue. When questioned as to thecustoms and usages of the cannibals when they madeexpeditions to other countries, he said they always carriedwith them, wherever they went, sticks prepared beforehandwhich they planted in the ground at the place of theirencampment, and beneath whose shelter they passed thenight.

Hanging over the door of one of the chieftains in Curiana,the Spaniards found the head of a cannibal,which was regarded as a sort of standard or helmetcaptured from the enemy, and constituted a great honourfor this chief.

There is a district on the coast of Paria, called Haraia,which is remarkable for a peculiar kind of salt found there.It is a vast plain over which the waves of the sea aredriven in heavy weather and when the waves subside andthe sun comes out, the pools of water crystallise intomasses of the whitest salt, in sufficient quantity for thenatives to load all the ships that sail, did they arrivebefore it rained. The first rainfall melts the salt, whichis then absorbed by the sands and thus returns throughfissures in the earth, to the sea which produces it.Others pretend that this plain is not inundated by thesea, but that it possesses saline springs, more bitter thansea water, which send forth their waters when the tempestrages. The natives set great store on these salines, andthey not only use the salt in the same way that we do,but they mould it into brick-shaped forms and trade itto foreigners for articles which they do not themselvespossess.

The bodies of the chiefs of the country are laid uponbiers under which a slow fire is lighted which consumes theflesh, little by little, but leaves the bones and the skinintact. These dried bodies are then piously preserved,as though they were their penates. The Spaniards saythat in one district they saw a man being thus driedfor preservation and in another a woman.

When, on the eighth day of the ides of February,the Spaniards were ready to leave the country of Curiana,they found they had ninety-six pounds of pearls at eightounces to the pound, which they had obtained at anaverage price of five cents.

Although their return voyage was shorter than when theycame from Hispaniola, it lasted sixty-one days, becausecontinual currents running from east to west not onlyretarded their speed, but sometimes completely stoppedthe ship. Finally they arrived, loaded with pearls likeother people come loaded with straw. The commander,Pedro Alonzo Nuñez, concealed an important quantity ofvaluable pearls, and thus cheated the royal revenues, towhich a fifth of all merchandise belongs.[9] His fellowsdenounced him, and Fernando de Vega, a learned statesman,who was Governor of Galicia where they landed,arrested him, and he was held in prison for a long time,but was finally released; and even to this day he still claimsthey robbed him of his share of the pearls. Many of thesestones are as large as nuts, and resemble oriental pearls,but as they are badly pierced, they are less valuable.

[Note 9: Navarrete, iii., 78. The treasure was sold in August, 1501, and theproceeds divided among the sailors.]

One day, when lunching with the illustrious Duke ofMedina-Sidonia in Seville, I saw one of these pearlswhich had been presented to him. It weighed more thana hundred ounces, and I was charmed by its beauty andbrilliancy. Some people claim that Nuñez did not findthese pearls at Curiana, which is more than one hundredand twenty leagues distant from Boca de la Sierpe, but in thelittle districts of Cumana and Manacapana near by theBoca and the island of Margarita. They declare thatCuriana is not rich in pearls. This question has notbeen decided; so let us treat of another subject. Younow perceive what, in the course of years, may be thevalue of this newly discovered country and westerncoasts, since after a superficial exploration they haveyielded such evidences of wealth.

BOOK IX

TO THE SAME CARDINAL LUDOVICO D'ARAGON

Vincent Yañez Pinzon and his nephew Arias,who accompanied the Admiral Columbus on hisfirst voyage as captains of two of the smallervessels which I have above described as caravels, desirousof undertaking new expeditions and making fresh discoveries,built at their own expense four caravels intheir native port of Palos, as it is called by the Spaniards.[1]They sought the authorisation of the King and towards thecalends of December, 1499, they left port. Now Palosis on the western coast of Spain, situated about seventy-twomiles distant from Cadiz and sixty-four miles fromSeville in Andalusia, and all the inhabitants withoutexception are seafaring people, exclusively occupied innavigation.

[Note 1: An interesting account of this expedition may be read in WashingtonIrving's Companions of Columbus; see also Navarrete, op. cit., 82, 102, 113.]

Pinzon coasted along the Fortunate Isles,[2] and firstlaid his course for the Hesperides, otherwise called theislands of Cape Verde, or still better, the MedusianGorgons. Sailing directly south on the ides of January,from that island of the Hesperides called by the PortugueseSan Juan, they sailed before the south-west wind forabout three hundred leagues, after which they lost sightof the north star. As soon as it disappeared they werecaught in winds and currents and continual tempests,though in spite of these great dangers they accomplishedby the aid of this wind two hundred and forty leagues.The north star was no longer to be seen. They are in contradictionwith the ancient poets, philosophers, andcosmographers over the question whether that portionof the world on the equinoctial line is or is not an inaccessibledesert. The Spaniards affirm that it is inhabitedby numerous peoples,[3] while the ancient writers maintainthat it is uninhabitable because of the perpendicularrays of the sun. I must admit, however, that evenamongst ancient authorities some have been found whosought to maintain that that part of the world washabitable.[4] When I asked the sailors of the Pinzonsif they had seen the polar star to the south, they saidthat they had seen no star resembling the polar star ofour hemisphere, but they did see entirely different stars,[5]and hanging on the higher horizon a thick sort of vapourwhich shut off the view. They believe that the middlepart of the globe rises to a ridge,[6] and that the antarcticstar is perceptible after that elevation is passed. At allevents they have seen constellations entirely differentfrom those of our hemisphere. Such is their story,which I give you as they told it. Davi sunt, non Oedipi.[7]

[Note 2: Meaning the Canaries in which the ancients placed the Garden of theHesperides. From them Ptolemy began to reckon longitude. The namesHesperia, Hesperides, Hesperus, etc., were used to indicate the west;thus Italy is spoken of by Macrobius: illi nam scilicet Græci a stella Hesperodicunt Venus et Hesperia Italia quæ occasui sit; Saturnalium, lib. i.,cap. iii. Ptolemy likewise says: Italia Hesperia ab Hespero Stella quodillius occasui subjecta sit, and again in his Historia tripartita, lib. viii:Quum Valentinianus Imperator as oras Hesperias navigaret, id est ad Italiam,et Hispaniam. Elsewhere the same author mentions the islands off thewest coast of Africa, of which he received some vague information as: Incognitamterram qui communi vocabulo Hesperi appellantur Ethiopes.Pliny, Strabo, in the last chapter De Situ Orbis, Diodorus, and others makesimilar usage of the terms. St. Anselm, De Imagine Mundi, lib. i., cap. xx.,Juxta has, scilicet Gorgonas Hesperidum ortus; Pomponius Mela, lib. iii.cap. ix., x., xi.]

[Note 3: The sub-equatorial regions of Africa had already been visited bynumerous navigators since the time of Prince Henry of Portugal, and thefact that they were inhabited was well known to the Spaniards.]

[Note 4: Plato, Cicero, Aristotle, Anaxagoras, Mela, and others were amongstthose who believed in the existence of the Antipodes.]

[Note 5: Aristotle, De Cælo et Terra, ii., 14. The constellation of the SouthernCross was known from the writings of the Arab geographers.]

[Note 6: First noted by Columbus in a letter written from Hispaniola inOctober, 1498.]

[Note 7: Davus sum non Oedipus, Andria, Act I, Scene II. The quotation,transposed by Martyr from the singular into the plural number, is fromTerrence, Davus being a comic character in the comedy of Andria.]

On the seventh day of the calends of February, landwas finally discovered on the horizon.[8] As the sea wastroubled, soundings were taken and the bottom found atsixteen fathoms. Approaching the coast they landedat a place where they remained two entire days withoutseeing a single inhabitant, though some traces of humanbeings were found on the banks. After writing theirnames and the name of the King, with some details oftheir landing, on the trees and rocks, the Spaniardsdeparted. Guiding themselves by some fires they sawduring the night, they encountered not far from theirfirst landing-place a tribe encamped and sleeping in theopen air. They decided not to disturb them until daybreakand when the sun rose forty men, carrying arms,marched towards the natives. Upon seeing them, thirty-twosavages, armed with bows and javelins, advanced,followed by the rest of the troop armed in like manner.Our men relate that these natives were larger than Germansor Hungarians. With frowning eyes and menacinglooks they scanned our compatriots, who thought itunwise to use their arms against them. Whether theyacted thus out of fear or to prevent them running away,I am ignorant, but at any rate, they sought to attractthe natives by gentle words and by offering them presents;but the natives showed themselves determined to haveno relation with the Spaniards, refusing to trade andholding themselves ready to fight. They limited themselvesto listening to the Spaniards' speech and watchingtheir gestures, after which both parties separated. Thenatives fled the following night at midnight, abandoningtheir encampment.

[Note 8: The present Cape San Augustin; it was sighted Jan. 28, 1500, andnamed Santa Maria de la Consolacion.]

The Spaniards describe these people as a vagabondrace similar to the Scythians, who had no fixed abodebut wandered with their wives and children from onecountry to another at the harvest seasons. They swearthat the footprints left upon the sand show them to havefeet twice as large as those of a medium-sized man.[9]Continuing their voyage, the Spaniards arrived at themouth of another river, which was, however, too shallowfor the caravels to enter. Four shallops of soldierswere therefore sent to land and reconnoitre. Theyobserved on a hillock near the bank a group of natives,to whom they sent a messenger to invite them to trade.It is thought the natives wanted to capture one of theSpaniards and take him with them, for, in exchange fora hawk's-bell which he had offered them as an attraction,they threw a golden wedge of a cubit's length towardsthe messenger, and when the Spaniard stooped to takeup the piece of gold, the natives surrounded him in lesstime than it takes to tell it, and tried to drag him off.He managed to defend himself against his assailants,using his sword and buckler until such time as his companionsin the boats could come to his assistance. Toconclude in a few words, since you spoke to me so urgentlyof your approaching departure, the natives killed eightof the Spaniards and wounded several others with theirarrows and javelins. They attacked the barques withgreat daring from the river banks, seeking to drag theboats ashore; although they were killed like sheep bysword strokes and lance thrusts (for they were naked);they did not on that account yield. They even succeededin carrying off one of the barques, which was empty,and whose pilot had been struck by an arrow and killed.The other barques succeeded in escaping, and thus theSpaniards left these barbarous natives.

[Note 9: One of the numerous tales of giants in America, which circulated andfor a long time obtained credence.]

Much saddened by the loss of their companions, theSpaniards followed the same coast in a north-westerlydirection and, after proceeding some forty leagues, theyarrived at a sea whose waters are sufficiently fresh toadmit of their replenishing their supply of drinkingwater. Seeking the cause of this phenomenon theydiscovered that several swift rivers which pour downfrom the mountains came together at that point, andflowed into the sea.[10] A number of islands dottedthis sea, which are described as remarkable for theirfertility and numerous population. The natives aregentle and sociable, but these qualities are of littleuse to them because they do not possess the goldor precious stones which the Spaniards seek. Thirty-sixof them were taken prisoners. The natives callthat entire region Mariatambal. The country to theeast of this great river is called Canomora, and that onthe west Paricora. The natives gave it to be understoodby signs that in the interior of the country gold of goodquality was found. Continuing their march, directlynorth, but always following the windings of the coast,the Spaniards again sighted the polar star. All thiscoast is a part of Paria, that land so rich in pearls whichColumbus himself discovered, as we have related; hebeing the real author of these discoveries. The coastreconnoitred by the Pinzons continues past the Boca dela Sierpe, already described, and the districts of Cumana,Manacapana, Curiana, Cauchieta, and Cauchibachoa,and it is thought that it extends to the continent ofIndia.[11] It is evident that this coast is too extended tobelong to an island, and yet, if one takes it altogether,the whole universe may be called an island.[12]

[Note 10: Possibly the estuary of the Amazon.]

[Note 11: Propterea Gangetidis Indiæ continentem putans. The Ruysch map(1516) shows the junction of the American continent with Asia.]

[Note 12: Licet universum terræ, orbem, large sumptum, insulam dicere fas sit.]

From the time when they left the land where they lostsight of the pole star, until they reached Paria, theSpaniards report that they proceeded towards the westfor a distance of three hundred uninterrupted leagues.Midway they discovered a large river called Maragnon,so large in fact that I suspect them of exaggerating;for when I asked them on their return from their voyageif this river was not more likely a sea separating twocontinents, they said that the water at its mouth was fresh,and that this quality increased the farther one mountedthe river. It is dotted with islands and full of fish. Theyabove all declare that is it more than thirty leagues broad,and that its waters flow with such impetuosity that the searecedes before its current.[13]

[Note 13: The mouth of the Maragnon or Amazon is, in fact, sixty leagues wide.]

When we recall what is told of the northern and southernmouths of the Danube, which drive back the watersof the sea to such a great distance and may be drunk bysailors, we cease to be astonished if the river describedbe represented as still larger. What indeed hindersnature from creating a river even larger than the Danube,or indeed a still larger one than the Maragnon? I thinkit is some river[14] already mentioned by Columbus whenhe explored the coasts of Paria. But all these problemswill be elucidated later, so let us now turn our attentionto the natural products of the country.

[Note 14: Referring to the Orinoco.]

In most of the islands of Paria the Spaniards found aforest of red-coloured wood, of which they brought backthree thousand pounds. This is the wood which the Italianscall verzino and the Spaniards brazil wood. They claimthat the dye-woods of Hispaniola are superior for the dyeingof wools. Profiting by the north-west wind, which theItalians call the grecco[15] they sailed past numerous islands,depopulated by the ravages of the cannibals, but fertile,for they discovered numerous traces of destroyed villages.Here and there they descried natives, who, promptedby fear, quickly fled to the mountain crags and thedepths of the forests, as soon as they saw the ships appear.These people no longer had homes but wandered at largebecause they feared the cannibals. Huge trees werediscovered, which produce what is commonly calledcinnamon-bark and which is claimed to be just as efficaciousfor driving off fevers as the cinnamon which theapothecaries sell. At that season the cinnamon was notyet ripe. I prefer to rely on those who have made thesereports rather than to weary myself to discuss these questions.Pinzon's men further claim that they have foundhuge trees in that country which sixteen men holdinghands and forming a circle could scarcely encompass withtheir arms.

[Note 15: The different points of the compass were designated by the winds:north being tramontane; north-east, grecco; east levante; south-east scirocco;south, ostro; south-west, libeccio; west, ponente; north-west, mæstrale.]

An extraordinary animal[16] inhabits these trees, ofwhich the muzzle is that of the fox, while the tail resemblesthat of a marmoset, and the ears those of a bat. Itshands are like man's, and its feet like those of an ape.This beast carries its young wherever it goes in a sort ofexterior pouch, or large bag. You have seen one of theseanimals, at the same time that I did. It was dead, butyou have measured it, and you have wondered at thatpouch or curious stomach with which nature has providedthis remarkable animal for carrying its young and protectingthem either against hunters or beasts. Observationhas proven that this animal never takes its young outof this pouch save when they are at play or nursing, untilthe time comes when they are able to fend for themselves.The Spaniards captured one such with its young, but thelittle ones died one after another, on shipboard. Themother survived a few months, but was unable to bearthe change of climate and food. Enough, however,about this animal, and let us return to the discoverers.

[Note 16: The animal here described is doubtless the opossum; the only non-Australianmarsupial found in America.]

The Pinzons, uncle and nephew, have endured severehardships during this voyage. They had explored sixhundred leagues along the coast of Paria, believingthemselves the while to be at the other side of Cathayon the coast of India, not far from the river Ganges,when in the month of July they were overtaken bysuch a sudden and violent storm that, of the four caravelscomposing the squadron, two were engulfed before theireyes. The third was torn from its anchorage and disappeared;the fourth held good, but was so shatteredthat its seams almost burst. The crew of this fourthship, in despair of saving it, landed. They did notknow what to do next, and first thought of building avillage and then of killing all the neighbouring people toforestall being massacred themselves. But happily theluck changed. The tempest ceased; the caravel whichhad been driven off by the fury of the elements returnedwith eighty of the crew, while the other ship, which heldto her anchorage, was saved. It was with these ships that,after being tossed by the waves and losing many of theirfriends, they returned to Spain, landing at their nativetown of Palos, where their wives and children awaitedthem. This was the eve of the calends of October.

Pinzon's companions brought a quantity of woods[17]which they believed to be cinnamon and ginger; but,to excuse the poor quality of these spices, they said theywere not ripe when they were gathered. BaptistaElysius, who is a remarkable philosopher and doctor ofmedicine, was in possession of certain small stones theyhad gathered on the shores of that region, and he thinksthey are topazes. He told you this in my presence.Following the Pinzons and animated by the spirit ofimitation, other Spaniards have made long voyages towardthe south, following the track of their forerunners,such as Columbus, and coasting, in my opinion, alongthe shores of Paria. These latter explorers have collectedcinnamon bark, and that precious substance the fumesof which banish headaches, and which the Spaniards callAnime Album.[18] I have learned nothing else worthy ofyour attention; thus I will conclude my narration sinceyou hasten me by announcing your departure.

[Note 17: Pinzon obtained license to sell a quantity of brazil wood to pay hisdebts, his creditors having seized the ships and their cargoes.]

[Note 18: Cassiam et hi fistulam pretiosumque illud ad capitis gravidinem suosuffumigio tollendam quod Hispani animen album vocant referre.]

Nevertheless, to conclude my decade, listen still tosome details concerning the ridiculous superstitions ofHispaniola. If it is not a decade in the style of Livy,it is only because its author, your Martyr, has not beenblessed, as he should have been according to the theoryof Pythagoras, with the spirit of Livy. You also knowwhat mountains in travail bring forth. These things areonly the fancies of the islanders; nevertheless, thoughfanciful, they are more interesting than the true historiesof Lucian, for they really do exist in the form of beliefs,while the histories were invented as a pastime; one maysmile at those who believe them.

The Spaniards lived for some time in Hispaniola withoutsuspecting that the islanders worshipped anything elsethan the stars, or that they had any kind of religion;I have indeed several times reported that these islandersonly adored the visible stars and the heavens. But aftermingling with them for some years, and the languagesbecoming mutually intelligible, many of the Spaniardsbegan to notice among them divers ceremonies and rites.Brother Roman,[19] a hermit, who went, by order ofColumbus, amongst the caciques to instruct them in theprinciples of Christianity, has written a book in theSpanish language on the religious rites of the islanders.I undertake to review this work, leaving out somequestions of small importance. I now offer it to you asfollows:

It is known that the idols to whom the islanders paypublic worship represent goblins which appear to themin the darkness, leading them into foolish errors; forthey make images, in the forms of seated figures, out ofplaited cotton, tightly stuffed inside, to represent thesenocturnal goblins and which resemble those our artistspaint upon walls.

[Note 19: Roman Pane was a Jeronymite friar who, as here stated, wrote byorder of Columbus. His work was in twenty-six chapters coveringeighteen pages, and was inserted at the end of the sixty-first chapter ofthe Storia of Fernando Columbus. The original Spanish MS. is lost,the text being known in an Italian translation published in Venice in 1571.Brasseur de Bourbourg published a French translation in his work onYucatan, Relation des Choses de Yucatan de Diego Landa. Paris, 1864.]

I have sent you four of these images, and you have beenable to examine them and verify their resemblance to thegoblins. You will also be able to describe them to themost serene King, your uncle, better than I could do inwriting. The natives call these images zemes. Whenthey are about to go into battle, they tie small imagesrepresenting little demons upon their foreheads, for whichreason these figures, as you will have seen, are tied roundwith strings. They believe that the zemes send rain orsunshine in response to their prayers, according to theirneeds. They believe the zemes to be intermediaries betweenthem and God, whom they represent as one, eternal,omnipotent, and invisible. Each cacique has his zemes,which he honours with particular care. Their ancestorsgave to the supreme and eternal Being two names,Iocauna and Guamaonocon. But this supreme Being washimself brought forth by a mother, who has five names,Attabeira, Mamona, Guacarapita, Iella, and Guimazoa.

Listen now to their singular beliefs relating to theorigin of man. There exists in Hispaniola a districtcalled Caunauna, where the human race took its originin a cavern on a certain mountain. The greater numberof men came forth from the larger apertures, and thelesser number from the smaller apertures of this cavern.Such are their superstitions. The rock on whose side theopening of this cavern is found is called Cauta, and thelargest of the caverns is called Cazabixaba, the smallerAmaiauna. Before mankind was permitted to comeforth, they ingeniously affirm that each night the mouthsof the caves were confided to the custody of a man calledMachochael. This Machochael, having deserted thetwo caves from a motive of curiosity, was surprised bythe sun, whose rays he could not endure, and so waschanged into stone. They relate amongst their absurditiesthat when men came out of their caverns in thenight because they sought to sin and could not get backbefore the rising of the sun, which they were forbiddento see, they were tranformed into myrobolane trees,[20]of which Hispaniola plentiously produces great numbers.

[Note 20: This name is comprehensive of several kinds of trees whose fruitsare used in compounding astringent and slightly purgative medicines.]

They also say that a chief called Vagoniona sent fromthe cavern where he kept his family shut up, a servantto go fishing. This servant, being surprised by the sun,was likewise turned in like manner into a nightingale.On every anniversary of his transformation he fills thenight air with songs, bewailing his misfortunes andimploring his master Vagoniona to come to his help.Such is the explanation they give for the nightingale'ssong. As for Vagoniona, he dearly loved this servant,and therefore deeply lamented him; he shut up all themen in the cavern and only brought out with him thewomen and nursing children, whom he led to an islandcalled Mathinino, off the coasts; there he abandoned thewomen and brought back the children with him. Theseunfortunate infants were starving, and upon reachingthe river bank they cried "Toa, Toa" (that is like childrencrying, Mamma, Mamma), and immediately theywere turned into frogs. It is for this reason that in thespringtime the frogs make these sounds, and it is also thereason why men alone are frequently found in the cavernsof Hispaniola, and not women. The natives say thatVagoniona still wanders about the island, and that bya special boon he always remains as he was. He issupposed to go to meet a beautiful woman, perceivedin the depths of the sea, from whom are obtained thewhite shells called by the natives cibas, and other shellsof a yellowish colour called guianos, of both of whichthey make necklaces. The caciques in our own timeregard these trinkets as sacred.[21]

[Note 21: The following passage does not lend itself to admissible translation.Viros autem illos, quos sine feminis in antris relictos diximus, lotum se adpluviarum acquarum receptacula noctu referunt exiisse; atque una noctium,animalia quædam feminas æmulantia, veluti formicarum agmina, reptarepar arbores myrobolanos a longe vidisse. Ad feminea ilia animalia procurrunt,capiunt: veluti anguillæ de manibus eorum labuntur. Consilium ineunt.Ex senioris consilio, scabiosos leprososque, si qui sint inter eos, conquirunt, quimanos asperas callossasque habeant ut apræhensa facilius queant ritenere.Hos homines ipsi caracaracoles appellant. Venatum proficiscuntur: ex multisquas capiebant quatuor tantum retinent; pro feminis illis uti adnituntur,carere feminea natura comperiunt. Iterum accitis senioribus, quid facieudumconsulunt. Ut picus avis admittatur, qui acuto rostra intra ipsorum inguinaforamen effodiat, constituerunt: ipsismet caracaracolibus hominibus callosis,feminas apertis cruribus tenentibus. Quam pulchre picus adducitur! Picusfeminis sexum aperit. Hinc bellissime habuit insula, quas cupiebat feminas;hinc procreata soboles. "I cease to marvel," continues the author, "sinceit is written in many volumes of veracious Greek history that the Myrmidonswere generated by ants. Such are some of the many legends whichpretended sages expound with calm and unmoved visage from pulpitsand tribunals to a stupid gaping crowd."]

Here is a more serious tradition concerning the originof the sea.[22] There formerly lived in the island a powerfulchief named Jaia who buried his only son in a gourd.Several months later, distracted by the loss of his son,Jaia visited the gourd. He pried it open and out of ithe beheld great whales and marine monsters of giganticsize come forth. Thus he reported to some of his neighboursthat the sea was contained in that gourd. Uponhearing this story, four brothers born at a birth andwho had lost their mother when they were born soughtto obtain possession of the gourd for the sake of thefish. But Jaia, who often visited the mortal remainsof his son, arrived when the brothers held the gourd intheir hands. Frightened at being thus taken in the actboth of sacrilege and robbery, they dropped the gourd,which broke, and took flight. From the broken gourdthe sea rushed forth; the valley was filled, the immenseplain which formed the universe was flooded, and onlythe mountains raised their heads above the water, formingthe islands, several of which still exist to-day. This,Most Illustrious Prince, is the origin of the sea, nor needyou imagine that the islander who has handed down thistradition does not enjoy the greatest consideration. Itis further related that the four brothers, in terror of Jaia,fled in different directions and almost died of hungerbecause they dared stop nowhere. Nevertheless, pressedby famine, they knocked at the door of a baker andasked him for cazabi, that is to say, for bread. Thebaker spit with such force upon the first who entered,that an enormous tumour was formed, of which he almostdied. After deliberating amongst themselves, theyopened the tumour, with a sharp stone, and from it cameforth a woman who became the wife of each of the fourbrothers, one after another, and bore them sons anddaughters.

[Note 22: Diego Landa, in his Cosas de Yucatan, and Cogolludo (Hist. deYucatan), treat this subject. Peter Martyr likewise elaborates it in hisletters to Pomponius Lætus and the Cardinal de Santa Croce. OpusEpistolarum, ep. 177 and 180.]

Another story, most illustrious Prince, is still morequaint. There is a cavern called Jouanaboina, situatedin the territory of a cacique called Machinnech, which isvenerated with as great respect by the majority of theislanders as were formerly the caves of Corinth, of Cyrrha,and Nissa amongst the Greeks.[23] The walls of thiscavern are decorated with different paintings; two sculpturedzemes, called Binthiatelles and Marohos, stand atthe entrance.

[Note 23: The caverns of Hayti have been visited and described by Decourtilz,Voyage d'un Naturaliste. Some of them contain carvings representingserpents, frogs, deformed human figures in distorted postures, etc.]

When asked why this cavern is reverenced, the nativesgravely reply that it is because the sun and moon issuedforth from it to illuminate the universe. They go onpilgrimages to that cavern just as we go to Rome, or tothe Vatican, Compostela, or the Holy Sepulchre atJerusalem.

Another kind of superstition is as follows. They believethe dead walk by night and feed upon guarina,a fruit resembling the quince, but unknown in Europe.These ghosts love to mix with the living and deceivewomen. They take on the form of a man, and seem towish to enjoy a woman's favour, but when about toaccomplish their purpose they vanish into thin air. Ifany one thinks, upon feeling something strange upon hisbed, that there is a spectre lying beside him, he only needsto assure himself by touching his belly, for, according totheir idea, the dead may borrow every human memberexcept the navel. If therefore the navel is absent, theyknow that it is a ghost, and it is sufficient to touch it tomake it immediately disappear. These ghosts frequentlyappear by night to the living, and very often on thepublic highways; but if the traveller is not frightened,the spectre vanishes. If, on the contrary, he allowshimself to be frightened, the terror inspired by the apparitionis such that many of the islanders completelylose their heads and self-possession. When the Spaniardsasked who ever had infected them with this mass ofridiculous beliefs, the natives replied that they receivedthem from their ancestors, and that they havebeen preserved from time immemorial in poems whichonly the sons of chiefs are allowed to learn. These poemsare learnt by heart, for they have no writing; and on feastdays the sons of chiefs sing them to the people, in theform of sacred chants.[24] Their only musical instrumentis a concave sonorous piece of wood which is beaten likea drum.

[Note 24: Commonly called in the native tongue arreytos. Some specimensexist. Brasseur de Bourbourg in his Grammaire Quiché gives the RabinalAchi.]

It is the augurs, called bovites, who encourage thesesuperstitions. These men, who are persistent liars,act as doctors for the ignorant people, which gives thema great prestige, for it is believed that the zemes conversewith them and reveal the future to them.

If a sick man recovers the bovites persuade him thathe owes his restoration to the intervention of the zemes.When they undertake to cure a chief, the bovites beginby fasting and taking a purge. There is an intoxicatingherb which they pound up and drink, after which theyare seized with fury like the mænads, and declare thatthe zemes confide secrets to them. They visit the sickman, carrying in their mouth a bone, a little stone, astick, or a piece of meat. After expelling every one savetwo or three persons designated by the sick person,the bovite begins by making wild gestures and passinghis hands over the face, lips, and nose, and breathingon the forehead, temples, and neck, and drawing in thesick man's breath. Thus he pretends to seek the feverin the veins of the sufferer. Afterwards he rubs theshoulders, the hips, and the legs, and opens the hands;if the hands are clenched he pulls them wide open, exposingthe palm, shaking them vigorously, after which he affirmsthat he has driven off the sickness and that the patientis out of danger. Finally he removes the piece of meat hewas carrying in his mouth like a juggler, and begins tocry, "This is what you have eaten in excess of your wants;now you will get well because I have relieved you of thatwhich you ate." If the doctor perceives that the patientgets worse, he ascribes this to the zemes, who, he declares,are angry because they have not had a house constructedfor them, or have not been treated with proper respect,or have not received their share of the products of thefield. Should the sick man die, his relatives indulge inmagical incantations to make him declare whether he isthe victim of fate or of the carelessness of the doctor,who failed to fast properly or gave the wrong remedy.If the man died through the fault of the doctor, therelatives take vengeance on the latter. Whenever thewomen succeed in obtaining the piece of meat whichthe bovites hold in their mouths, they wrap it with greatrespect in cloths and carefully preserve it, esteeming it tobe a talisman of great efficacy in time of childbirth, andhonouring it as though it were a zemes.

The islanders pay homage to numerous zemes, eachperson having his own. Some are made of wood, becauseit is amongst the trees and in the darkness of night theyhave received the message of the gods. Others, who haveheard the voice amongst the rocks, make their zemes ofstone; while others, who heard the revelation while theywere cultivating their ages––that kind of cereal I havealready mentioned,––make theirs of roots.

Perhaps they think that these last watch over theirbread-making. It was thus that the ancients believedthat the dryads, hamadryads, satyrs, pans, nereids,watched over the fountains, forests, and seas, attributingto each force in nature a presiding divinity. The islandersof Hispaniola even believe that the zemes respond to theirwishes when they invoke them. When the caciqueswish to consult the zemes, concerning the result of a war,about the harvest, or their health, they enter the housessacred to them and there absorb the intoxicating herbcalled kohobba, which is the same as that used by thebovites to excite their frenzy. Almost immediately theybelieve they see the room turn upside down, and menwalking with their heads downwards. This kohobbapowder is so strong that those who take it lose consciousness;when the stupefying action of the powder begins towane, the arms and hands become loose and the headdroops. After remaining for some time in this attitude,the cacique raises his head, as though he were awakeningfrom sleep, and, lifting his eyes to the heavens, beginsto stammer some incoherent words. His chief attendantsgather round him (for none of the common people areadmitted to these mysteries), raising their voices in thanksgivingthat he has so quickly left the zemes and returnedto them. They ask him what he has seen, and the caciquedeclares that he was in conversation with the zemesduring the whole time, and as though he were still ina prophetic delirium, he prophesies victory or defeat,if a war is to be undertaken, or whether the crops will beabundant, or the coming of disaster, or the enjoyment ofhealth, in a word, whatever first occurs to him.

Can you feel surprised after this, Most Illustrious Prince,at the spirit of Apollo which inspired the fury of the Sibyls?You thought that that ancient superstition had perished,but you see that such is not the case. I have treated herein a general sense all that concerns the zemes, but I thinkI should not omit certain particulars. The caciqueGuamaretus had a zemes called Corochotus, which he hadfixed in the highest part of his house. It is said thatCorochotus frequently came down, after having brokenhis bonds. This happened whenever he wished to makelove or eat or hide himself; and sometimes he disappearedfor several days, thus showing his anger at having beenneglected and not sufficiently honoured by the caciqueGuamaretus. One day two children, wearing crowns,were born in the house of Guamaretus; it was thought thatthey were the sons of the zemes Corochotus. Guamaretuswas defeated by his enemies in a pitched battle; hispalace and town were burnt and destroyed; and Corochotusburst his bonds and sprang out of the house, andwas found a stadium distant.

Another zemes, Epileguanita, was represented in theform of a quadruped, carved out of wood. He oftenleft the place where he was venerated and fled into theforests. And each time that his worshippers heard ofhis flight, they assembled and sought him everywherewith devout prayers. When found, they brought himreverently on their shoulders back to the sanctuarysacred to him. When the Christians landed in Hispaniola,Epileguanita fled and appeared no more, which wasconsidered a sinister forecast of the misfortunes of thecountry. These traditions are handed down by theold men.

The islanders venerate another zemes, made of marble,which is of the feminine sex, and is accompanied by twomale zemes who serve as attendants; one acting as heraldto summon other zemes to the woman's assistance whenshe wishes to raise storms or draw down clouds and rains;the other is supposed to collect the water which flowsdown from the high mountains into the valleys, and uponthe command of the female zemes to let it loose in theform of torrents which devastate the country wheneverthe islanders have failed to pay her idol the honours dueto it. One more thing worthy of remembrance and Ishall have finished my book. The natives of Hispaniolawere much impressed by the arrival of the Spaniards.Formerly two caciques, of whom one was the father ofGuarionex, fasted for fifteen days in order to consult thezemes about the future. This fast having disposed thezemes in their favour, they answered that within a fewyears a race of men wearing clothes would land in theisland and would overthrow their religious rites and ceremonies,massacre their children, and make them slaves.This prophecy had been taken by the younger generationto apply to the cannibals; and thus whenever it becameknown that the cannibals had landed anywhere, the peopletook flight without even attempting any resistance.But when the Spaniards landed, the islanders thenreferred the prophecy to them, as being the people whosecoming was announced. And in this they were not wrong,for they are all under the dominion of the Christians,and those who resisted have been killed; all the zemeshaving been removed to Spain, to teach us the foolishnessof those images and the deceits of devils, nothing remainingof them but a memory. I have brought some thingsto your knowledge, Most Illustrious Prince, and you willlearn many others later, since you will probably leaveto-morrow to accompany your great-aunt to Naples,in obedience to the orders of your uncle, King Frederick.You are ready to leave and I am weary. Therefore,fare you well, and keep the remembrance of your Martyr,whom you have constrained in the name of your uncle,Frederick, to choose these few from amongst many greatthings.

BOOK X

AND EPILOGUE TO THE DECADE

TO INIGO LOPEZ MENDOZA, COUNT OF TENDILLA, VICEROY
OF GRANADA

I have been prompted by the letters of my friendsand of high personages to compose a completechronicle of all that has happened since the firstdiscoveries and the conquest of the ocean by Columbus,and of all that shall occur. My correspondents werelost in admiration at the thought of these discoveriesof islands, inhabited by unknown peoples, living withoutclothes and satisfied with what nature gave them, andthey were consumed by desire to be kept regularlyinformed. Ascanio, whose authority never allowed mypen to rest, was degraded from the high position heoccupied when his brother Ludovico[1] was driven bythe French from Milan. I had dedicated the first twobooks of this decade to him, without mentioning manyother treatises I had selected from my unedited memoirs.Simultaneously with his overthrow I ceased to write,for, buffeted by the storm, he ceased to exhort me, whilemy fervour in making enquiries languished; but in theyear 1500, when the Court was in residence at Granada,Ludovico, Cardinal of Aragon, and nephew of KingFrederick, who had accompanied the Queen of Naples,sister of King Frederick, to Grenada, sent me lettersaddressed to me by the King himself, urging me toselect the necessary documents and to continue the firsttwo books addressed to Ascanio. The King and theCardinal already possessed the writings I had formerlyaddressed to Ascanio. You are aware that I was illat the time, yet, unwilling to refuse, I resolved to continue.Amongst the great mass of material furnished me at myrequest by the discoverers, I selected such deeds as weremost worthy to be recorded. Since you now desire to includemy complete works amongst the numerous volumesin your library, I have determined to add to those of myformer writings by taking up the narrative of the principalevents between the years 1500 and 1510, and, God givingme life, I shall one day treat them more fully.

[Note 1:His downfall was greeted with rejoicing throughout Italy. In Venicethe joy-bells rang and the children danced and sang a canzone in Piazza SanMarco

Ora il Moro fa la danza
Viva San Marco e il re di Franzia.

Milan fell a prey to Louis XII., and all northern Italy passed under theFrench yoke. The Pope rewarded the bearer of the news with a presentof one hundred ducats, and at once seized Cardinal Ascanio's palace withits art treasures. The Cardinal was captured near Rivolta by the Venetians,who delivered him to the French. He was kept in the citadel of Bourgesuntil 1502, when he was released at the request of the Cardinal d'Amboiseto take his place in the conclave which elected Pius III. He died in 1505;and his former enemy, Guiliano della Rovere, reigning as Pope Julius II.,erected the magnificent monument to his memory which still stands inSanta Maria del Popolo.]

To complete the decade, I had written a book whichremained unfinished, treating of the superstitions of theislanders; this new book, which will be called the tenthand last, I wish to dedicate to you, without rewritingmy work or sending you my draft. Therefore, if onreading the ninth book you come across promises whichare not realised, do not be astonished; it is not necessaryto be always consistent.[2]

[Note 2:Non semper oportet stare pollicitis.]

Let us now come to our subject. During these ten yearsmany explorers,[3] have visited various coasts, followingfor the most part in the track of Columbus. They havealways coasted along the shore of Paria, believing it tobe part of the Indian continent. Some heading to thewest, others to the east, they have discovered new countriesrich in gold and spices, for most of them have broughtback necklaces and perfumes obtained in exchange forour merchandise, or by violence and conquest. Despitetheir nakedness, it must be admitted that in some placesthe natives have exterminated entire groups of Spaniards,for they are ferocious and are armed with poisoned arrowsand sharp lances with points hardened in the fire. Eventhe animals, reptiles, insects, and quadrupeds are differentfrom ours, and exhibit innumerable and strange species.With the exception of lions, tigers, and crocodiles, theyare not dangerous. I am now speaking of the forestsof the district of Paria and not of the islands, where, Iam told, there is not a single dangerous animal, everythingin the islands speaking of great mildness, with the exceptionof the Caribs or cannibals, of whom I have already spokenand who have an appetite for human flesh. There arelikewise different species of birds, and in many placesbats[4] as large as pigeons flew about the Spaniards assoon as twilight fell, biting them so cruelly that the men,rendered desperate, were obliged to give way beforethem as though they had been harpies. One night,while sleeping on the sand, a monster issued from the seaand seized a Spaniard by the back and, notwithstandingthe presence of his companions, carried him off, jumpinginto the sea with his victim despite the unfortunate man'sshrieks.

[Note 3:Labastidas, Pinzon, Hojeda, Vespucci, Las Casas, and others.]

[Note 4:Vampire bats, which haunt the Venezuelan coast in large numbers.]

It is the royal plan to establish fortified places andto take possession of this continent, nor are there wantingSpaniards who would not shrink from the difficultyof conquering and subjugating the territory. For thispurpose they petitioned the King for his authorisation.

The journey, however, is long and the country veryextensive. It is claimed that the newly discoveredcountry, whether continent or island, is three timeslarger than Europe, without counting the regions to thesouth which were discovered by the Portuguese andwhich are still larger. Certainly the Spain of to-daydeserves the highest praise for having revealed to thepresent generation these myriad regions of the Antipodes,heretofore unknown, and for having thus enlargedfor writers the field of study. I am proud tohave shown them the way by collecting these facts which,as you will see, are without pretension; not only becauseI am unable to adorn my subject more ornately, butalso because I have never thought to write as a professionalhistorian. I tell a simple story by means ofletters, written freely to give pleasure to certain personswhose invitations it would have been difficult for me torefuse. Enough, however, of digressions, and let us returnto Hispaniola.

The bread made by the natives is found, by those whoare accustomed to our wheat bread, to be insufficientlynourishing and therefore they lose their strength. TheKing consequently issued a recent decree, ordering thatwheat should be sown in different places and at differentseasons. The harvest produced nothing but straw, similarto twigs, and with little grain; although what there is,is large and well formed. This also applies to the pastureswhere the grass grows as high as the crops; thus thecattle become extraordinarily fat, but their flesh losesits flavour; their muscles become flabby, and they are,so to say, watery. With pigs it is just the contrary;for they are healthy and of an agreeable flavour. Thisis due doubtless to certain of the island's fruits theygreedily devour. Pork is about the only kind of meatbought in the markets. The pigs have rapidly increased,but they have become wild since they are no longerkept by swineherds. There is no need to acclimatiseany other species of animal or birds in Hispaniola.

Moreover, the young of all animals flourish on theabundant pasturage and become larger than their sires.They only eat grass, not barley or other grain. Enoughhowever of Hispaniola; let us now consider the neighbouringislands.

Owing to its length, Cuba was for a long time consideredto be a continent, but it has been discovered to be anisland. It is not astonishing that the islanders assuredthe Spaniards who explored it that the land had no end,for the Cubans are poor-spirited people, satisfied withlittle and never leaving their territory. They took nonotice of what went on amongst their neighbours, andwhether there were any other regions under their skiesthan the one they inhabited, they did not know. Cubaextends from east to west and is much longer thanHispaniola, but from the north to the south it is, in proportionto its length, very narrow, and is almost everywherefertile and agreeable.

There is a small island lying not far off the east coast ofHispaniola, which the Spaniards have placed under theinvocation of San Juan.[5] This island is almost squareand very rich gold mines have been found there, but aseverybody is busy working the mines of Hispaniola,miners have not yet been sent to San Juan, although it isplanned so to do. It is gold alone of all the productsof Hispaniola to which the Spaniards give all theirattention, and this is how they proceed. Each industriousSpaniard, who enjoys some credit, has assigned to him oneor more caciques (that is to say chiefs) and his subjects,who, at certain seasons in the year established by agreement,is obliged to come with his people to the mine belongingto that Spaniard, where the necessary tools for extractingthe gold are distributed to them. The cacique and hismen receive a salary, and when they return to the labourof their fields, which cannot be neglected for fear of famine,one brings away a jacket, one a shirt, one a cloak, andanother a hat. Such articles of apparel please them verymuch, and they now no longer go naked. Their labouris thus divided between the mines and their own fields asthough they were slaves. Although they submit to thisrestraint with impatience, they do put up with it. Mercenariesof this kind are called anaborios. The Kingdoes not allow them to be treated as slaves, and theyare granted and withdrawn as he pleases.[6]

[Note 5: Porto Rico.]

[Note 6:The system of repartimientos. Consult the writings of Las Casas onthis subject.]

When they are summoned, as soldiers or camp-followersare drafted by recruiting agents, the islanders fly to thewoods and mountains if they can, and rather than submitto this labour they live on whatever wild fruit they find.They are a docile people, and have completely forgottentheir old rites, complying without reasoning, and repeatingthe mysteries they are taught. The Spanish gentlemenof position educate sons of caciques in their own houses,and these lads easily learn the elements of instructionand good manners. When they grow up and especiallyif their fathers are dead, they are sent back to Hispaniola,where they rule their compatriots. As they are devoutChristians, they keep both Spaniards and natives up totheir duties, and cheerfully bring their subjects to themines. There are gold mines found in two differentdistricts, of which the first, called San Cristobal, isabout thirty miles from the town of Dominica. Theother, called Cibaua, is about ninety miles distant. PortoReal is situated there.

Great revenues are drawn from these countries, forgold is found both on the surface and in the rocks, eitherin the form of ingots or of scales which are sometimes smallbut generally of considerable weight. Ingots weigh 300pounds, and sometimes even more, for one has been foundwhich weighed 310 pounds.[7] You have heard it said thatthis one was brought, just as it was found, to the King ofSpain, on board the ship on which the governor Bobadillaembarked for Spain. The ship, being overloaded withmen and gold, was wrecked and sunk with all it contained.More than a thousand witnesses saw and touched thisingot. When I speak of pounds I do not mean preciselya pound, but a weight equal to a golden ducat of fourounces, which is what the Spaniards call a peso or castellanoof gold. All the gold found in the mountains ofCibaua is transported to the blockhouse of La Concepcion,where there are founderies for receiving and melting themetal. The royal fifth is first separated, after whicheach one receives a share according to his labour. Thegold from the mines of San Cristobal goes to the founderiesof Bona Ventura; the amount of gold melted in thesefounderies exceeds 300 pounds of metal. Any Spaniardwho is convicted of having fraudulently kept back aquantity of gold not declared to the royal inspectors,suffers confiscation of all the gold in his possession. Contentionsfrequently occur among them, and if the magistratesof the island are unable to settle them, the casesare appealed to the Royal Council, the decisions of thattribunal being without appeal in the King's dominionsof Castile.

[Note 7:Las Casas describes the finding of this nugget by an Indian girl,who accidentally turned it up while idly prodding the ground with a sharpinstrument. He gives its weight as 3600 castellanos, equivalent to thirty-fivepounds. The vessel which was to carry it to Spain was wrecked in aviolent storm, just outside the harbour, and the famous nugget was lost.Las Casas, his Life, his Apostolate, and his Writings, cap. iii.]

At the present time the members composing this tribunalare all distinguished noblemen of illustrious blood, whomI will enumerate in the order in which they sit injudging a case. The first place is occupied by AntonioRojas, Archbishop of Granada, who is your kinsman;he is a veritable Cato, unable to condone his own offencesor those of his relatives. His life is austere and he cultivatesliterature. He holds the first place in the Council,or in other words, he is the President thereof. The othermembers of the Council rank by seniority, according tothe order in which they were appointed. All are doctorsor designates or holders of some decoration. The designatesare those who are called in Spanish licenciates.All are nominated by the King. The Dean of the Assemblyis Pedro Oropesa; next to him comes Ludovico Zapato;then, in regular order, Fernando Tellez, Garcias Moxica,Lorenzo Carvajal; Toribio Santiago sits next to thelast-named, and after him come Juan Lopez, PalaciosRivas, and Ludovico Polanco. Francisco Vargas, who islikewise royal treasurer, sits next, and the two last placesare held by priests, Sosa and Cabrero, both doctors ofCanon law. The counsellors do not judge criminal cases,but all civil suits are within their cognisance.

Let us now return to the new countries, from which wehave wandered. These countries are very numerous, diversified,and fertile; neither Saturn nor Hercules nor any heroof antiquity who set out for the discovery or conquest ofunknown lands, excelled the exploits of our contemporarySpaniards. Behold, how posterity will see the Christianreligion extended! How far it will be possible totravel amongst mankind! Neither by word of mouthnor by my pen can I express my sentiments concerningthese wondrous events, and I, therefore, leave my bookwithout an ending, always counting upon making furtherresearches and collecting documents for a more detaileddescription in my letters, when I shall be at leisure to write.

For I am not ignorant that our Admiral, Columbus,[8]with four ships and a crew of seventy men furnished himby the sovereigns, has explored during the year 1502 thecountry extending about one hundred and thirty leagueswest between Cuba and the continent; an island rich infruit trees, which is called Guanassa. The Admiral alwaysfollowed the coast towards the east, hoping by thismanoeuvre to regain the waters of Paria, but in this hewas disappointed. It is claimed that the western coastshave also been visited by Vincent Yañez, of whom I havepreviously written, Juan Diaz Solis de Nebrissa andsundry others, but I have no precise information on thispoint.[9] May God grant me life, that you may someday learn more upon this subject. And now you farewell.

[Note 8:This refers to the fourth voyage of Columbus; consult Storia del FernandoColumbo; Navarrete, i., 314, 329, 332; ii., 277, 296; iii., 555, 558.Also the Lettera rarissima, written by Columbus from Jamaica, July 7,1503, to the Catholic sovereigns; Washington Irving, Columbus and hisCompanions.]

[Note 9:Consult Gaffarel, Les Contemporains de Colomb; Vespucci, QuatuorNavigationes.]

The Second Decade

BOOK I

PETER MARTYR, OF MILAN, APOSTOLIC PROTONOTARY AND
ROYAL COUNSELLOR TO THE SOVEREIGN PONTIFF LEO X

Most Holy Father,[1] Since the arrival at theSpanish Court of Galeazzo Butrigario ofBologna sent by Your Holiness, and GiovanniAccursi of Florence, sent by that glorious Republic, Ihave unceasingly frequented their company and studiedto please them, because of their virtues and their wisdom.Both take pleasure in reading various authors and certainbooks which have fallen by chance into their hands,works treating of the vast regions hitherto unknown tothe world, and of the Occidental lands lying almost atthe Antipodes which the Spaniards recently discovered.Despite its unpolished style, the novelty of the narrativecharmed them, and they besought me, as well on theirown behalf as in the name of Your Holiness, to completemy writings by continuing the narrative of all that hassince happened, and to send a copy to Your Beatitudeso that you might understand to what degree, thanksto the encouragement of the Spanish sovereigns, thehuman race has been rendered illustrious and the ChurchMilitant extended. For these new nations are as atabula rasa; they easily accept the beliefs of our religionand discard their barbarous and primitive rusticity aftercontact with our compatriots. I have deemed it well toyield to the insistence of wise men who enjoyed the favourof Your Holiness; indeed, had I not immediately obeyedan invitation in the name of Your Beatitude, I shouldhave committed an inexpiable crime. I shall now summarisein a few words the discoveries by the Spaniardsof unknown coasts, the authors of the chief expeditions,the places they landed, the hopes raised, and the promisesheld out by these new countries.

[Note 1:Giovanni de' Medici, elected in 1513, assumed the title of Leo X.He was keenly interested in the exploration and discoveries in America,and unceasingly urged his nuncios to keep him supplied with everythingwritten on these subjects.]

The discovery of these lands I have mentioned, bythe Genoese, Christopher Columbus, was related inmy Ocean Decade, which was printed without mypermission[2] and circulated throughout Christendom.Columbus afterwards explored immense seas and countriesto the south-west, approaching within fifteendegrees of the equinoctial line. In those parts he sawgreat rivers, lofty snow-capped mountains along thecoasts, and also secure harbours. After his death thesovereigns took steps to assume possession of thosecountries and to colonise them with Christians, in orderthat our religion might be propagated. The royal notariesafforded every facility to every one who wished to engagein these honourable enterprises among whom two werenotable: Diego Nicuesa de Baëcca, an Andalusian, andAlonzo Hojeda de Concha.

[Note 2:Peter Martyr's friend, Lucio Marineo Siculo, was responsible for thispremature Spanish edition published in 1511. An Italian edition of theFirst Decade was printed by Albertino Vercellese at Venice in 1504.]

Both these men were living in Hispaniola where, as wehave already said, the Spaniards had founded a townand colonies, when Alonzo Hojeda first set out, aboutthe ides of December, with about three hundred soldiersunder his command. His course was almost directlysouth, until he reached one of those ports previouslydiscovered and which Columbus had named Carthagena,because its island breakwater, its extent, and its coastshaped like a scythe reminded him of Carthagena.The island lying across the mouth of the port is calledby the natives Codego, just as the Spaniards call theisland in front of Carthagena, Scombria. The neighbouringregion is called Caramairi, a country whose inhabitants,both male and female, are large and wellformed, although they are naked. The men wear theirhair cut short to the ears, while the women wear theirslong. Both sexes are extremely skilful bowmen.

The Spaniards discovered certain trees in the provincewhich bear fruits that are sweet, but most dangerous,for when eaten they produce worms. Most of all is theshade of this tree noxious, for whoever sleeps for any lengthof time beneath its branches, wakens with a swollen head,and almost blind, though this blindness abates within afew days. The port of Carthagena lies four hundred andfifty-six miles from the port of Hispaniola called Beata,where preparations are generally made for voyages ofdiscovery. Immediately on landing, Hojeda attackedthe scattered and defenceless natives. They had beenconceded to him by royal patent because they had formerlytreated some Christians most cruelly and could neverbe prevailed upon to receive the Spaniards amicably intheir country. Only a small quantity of gold, and thatof poor quality, was found amongst them; they use themetal for making leaves and disks, which they hang ontheir breasts as ornaments. Hojeda was not satisfiedwith these spoils, and taking some prisoners with him asguides, he attacked a village in the interior twelve milesdistant from the shore, where the fugitives from the coast-townhad taken refuge. These men, though naked, werewarlike; they used wooden shields, some long and otherscurved, also long wooden swords, bows and arrows, andlances whose points were either hardened in the fire ormade of bone. Assisted by their guests, they made adesperate attack on the Spaniards, for they were excitedby the misfortunes of those who had sought refugewith them, after having lost their wives and children,whose massacre by the Spaniards they had witnessed.The Spaniards were defeated and both Hojeda's lieutenant,Juan de la Cosa,[3] the first discoverer of gold in the sandsof Uraba, and seventy soldiers fell. The natives poisonedtheir arrows with the juice of a death-dealing herb.The other Spaniards headed by Hojeda turned theirbacks and fled to the ships, where they remained, saddenedand depressed by this calamity, until the arrival ofanother leader, Diego de Nicuesa, in command of twelveships. When Hojeda and Cosa sailed from Hispaniola,they had left Nicuesa in the port of Beata still busywith his preparations. His force numbered seven hundredand eighty-five soldiers, for he was an older man thanHojeda, and he had greater authority; hence a largernumber of volunteers, in choosing between the twoleaders, preferred to join the expedition of Nicuesa;moreover it was reported that Veragua, which had beengranted to Nicuesa by the royal patent, was richer ingold than Uraba, which Alonzo de Hojeda had obtained.

[Note 3:Such was the sad end of the pilot of Columbus. The oldest map ofthe New World, now preserved at Madrid, was the work of this notedcartographer.]

As soon as Nicuesa landed, the two leaders after conferringtogether, decided that the first victims should beavenged, so they set out that same night to attack themurderers of Cosa and his seventy companions. Itwas the last watch of the night, when they surprised thenatives, surrounding and setting fire to their village,which contained more than one hundred houses. Theusual number of inhabitants was tripled by the refugeeswho had there taken shelter.

The village was destroyed, for the houses were builtof wood covered with palm-leaves. Out of the greatmultitude of men and women, only six infants werespared, all the others having been murdered or burntwith their effects. These children told the Spaniards thatCosa and the others had been cut into bits and devouredby their murderers. It is thought indeed thatthe natives of Caramairi are of the same origin as theCaribs, or cannibals, who are eaters of human flesh.Very little gold was found amongst the ashes. It is inreality the thirst for gold, not less than the covetousnessof new countries, which prompted the Spaniardsto court such dangers. Having thus avenged thedeath of Cosa and his companions, they returned toCarthagena.

Hojeda, who was the first to arrive, was likewise thefirst to leave, starting with his men in search of Uraba,which is under his jurisdiction. On his way thither hecame upon an island called La Fuerte, which lies halfwaybetween Uraba and the harbour of Carthagena. Therehe landed and found it inhabited by ferocious cannibals,of whom he captured two men and seven women, theothers managing to escape. He likewise gathered onehundred and ninety drachmas of gold made into necklacesof various kinds. He finally reached the easternextremity of Uraba. This is called Caribana, becauseit is from this country that the insular Caribs derive theirorigin, and have hence kept the name.[4] Hojeda's firstcare was to provide protection, and to this end he builta village defended by a fort. Having learned from hisprisoners that there was a town twelve miles in the interior,called Tirufi, celebrated for its gold mines, he madepreparations for its capture. The inhabitants of Tirufiwere ready to defend their rights, and Hojeda was repulsedwith loss and disgrace; these natives likewise usedpoisoned arrows in fighting. Driven by want, he attackedanother village some days later, and was wounded by anarrow in the hip; some of his companions affirm that hewas shot by a native whose wife he had taken prisoner.The husband approached and negotiated amicably withHojeda for the ransom of his wife, promising to deliver,on a fixed day, the amount of gold demanded of him.On the day agreed upon he returned, armed with arrowsand javelins but without the gold. He was accompaniedby eight companions, all of whom were ready to die toavenge the injury done to the inhabitants of Carthagenaand also the people of the village. This native waskilled by Hojeda's soldiers, and could no longer enjoythe caresses of his beloved wife; but Hojeda, under theinfluence of the poison, saw his strength ebbing daily away.

[Note 4: The place of origin of the Caribs is disputed, some authorities tracingthem to Guiana, others to Venezuela, others to the Antilles, etc.]

At this juncture arrived the other commander, Nicuesa,to whom the province of Veragua, lying west ofUraba, had been assigned as a residence. He had sailedwith his troops from the port of Carthagena the dayafter Hojeda's departure, with Veragua for his destination,and entered the gulf called by the natives Coiba, of whomthe cacique was named Caeta. The people thereaboutsspeak an entirely different language from those of Carthagenaand Uraba. The dialects of even neighbouringtribes are very dissimilar.[5] For instance, in Hispaniola,a king is called cacique, whereas in the province of Coibahe is called chebi, and elsewhere tiba; a noble is calledin Hispaniola taino, in Coiba saccus, and in other partsjura.

[Note 5:La Bibliothèque Américaine of Leclerc contains a list of the differentworks on American languages. Consult also Ludwig, The Literature ofAmerican Aboriginal Languages.]

Nicuesa proceeded from Coiba to Uraba, the province ofhis ally Hojeda. Some days later, being on board one ofthe large merchant vessels called by the Spaniards caravels,he ordered the other ships to follow at a distance, keepingwith him two vessels with double sets of oars, of thetype called brigantines. I may here say that during therest of my narrative it is my intention to give to thesebrigantines as well as to the other types of ships the namesthey bear in the vulgar tongue. I do this that I maybe more clearly understood, regardless of the teeth ofcritics who rend the works of authors. Each day newwants arise, impossible to translate with the vocabularyleft us by the venerable majesty of antiquity.

After Nicuesa's departure Hojeda was joined by a shipfrom Hispaniola with a crew of sixty men commanded byBernardino de Calavera, who had stolen it. Neither themaritime commander, or to speak more plainly theAdmiral,––nor the authorities had consented to hisdeparture. The provisions brought by this ship somewhatrestored the strength of the Spaniards.

The complaints of the men against Hojeda increasedfrom day to day; for they accused him of having deceivedthem. He alleged in his defence, that by virtue of thepowers he held from the King he had directed the bachelorEnciso, who was chief justice and whom he had selectedbecause of his great legal abilities, to follow him with ashipload of stores; and that he was much astonished thatthe latter had not long since arrived. He spoke thetruth, for at the time of his departure, Enciso had alreadymore than half completed his preparations. His companions,however, who considered they had been duped, didnot believe in the sincerity of his affirmations aboutEnciso, and a number of them secretly planned to seizetwo brigantines belonging to Hojeda, and to return toHispaniola. Upon discovering this plot, Hojeda decidedto anticipate their plan and, leaving Francisco Pizarro,a nobleman[6] who commanded the forts he had built,he took some of his men and went on board the ship wehave mentioned. His intention was to go to Hispaniola,not only to recover from the wound in his hip, butalso to learn the causes of Enciso's delay. He promisedhis companions to return in less than fifty days. Outof the three hundred there only remained about sixtymen, for the others had either perished of hunger or hadbeen slain by the natives. Pizarro and his men pledgedthemselves to remain at their posts until his returnwithin fifty days bringing provisions and reinforcements.When the established time elapsed, finding themselvesreduced by famine, they boarded the brigantines andabandoned Uraba.

[Note 6: Pizarro was far from being a nobleman, his mother being a peasantwoman and his father the captain Gonzalo Pizarro.]

During their journey to Hispaniola a tempest overtookthem on the high seas, which wrecked one of the brigantineswith all its crew; and the survivors relate that they distinctlysaw, circling round the brigantine, a gigantic fish whichsmashed the rudder to pieces with a blow of its tail. Giganticsea monsters certainly do exist in those waters. Withouta rudder and buffeted by the storm, the brigantine sank notfar from the coast of the island, named La Fuerte, whichlies half way between Uraba and Carthagena. Theremaining brigantine which outrode the storm, wasrepulsed from the island by the natives who rushedfrom every direction armed with bows and arrows.

Pursuing his course, Pizarro encountered by chance thebachelor Enciso between the bay of Carthagena and thecountry called Cuchibacoa, which lies at the mouth ofthe river the Spaniards have named Boiugatti or cathouse,because it was there they first saw a cat, andboiu means house in the language of Hispaniola.

Enciso had one vessel laden with all kinds of provisions,foodstuffs, and clothing, and he was followed by a brigantine.He it was whose ship Hojeda had awaitedwith impatience. He had left Hispaniola on the idesof September, and four days later had recognised thelofty mountains Columbus had first discovered in thisregion and which they had named La Sierra Nevada,because of their perpetual snows. On the fifth day outhe passed the Boca de la Sierpe. Men who went on boardhis brigantine told him that Hojeda had returned toHispaniola, but thinking they lied, Enciso ordered themby virtue of his authority as a judge, to return tothe country whence they had come. They obedientlyfollowed Enciso, but nevertheless implored him atleast to grant them the favour of allowing them toreturn to Hispaniola or to conduct them himself toNicuesa, promising in exchange for his good servicestwenty-six drachmas of gold; for though they were inwant of bread, they were rich in gold. Enciso was deafto their entreaties, and affirmed that it was impossiblefor him to land anywhere but at Uraba, the province ofHojeda, and it was thither, guided by them, that hedirected his course.

Listen, however, to what happened to this judge, andperhaps, Most Holy Father, you will find it worth remembering.Enciso anchored off the coast of Caramairianain the harbour of Carthagena, celebrated for the chastityand grace of its women, and the courage of both sexesof the inhabitants. As he approached to renew hissupply of water and to repair the ship's boat, which hadbeen damaged, he ordered some men to land. They wereat once surrounded by a multitude of natives, all of whomwere armed and who, for three days, watched theirlabours most attentively, fairly besieging them. Duringthis time neither the Spaniards nor the natives engagedin hostilities, although they remained face to face duringthree entire days, both on their guard and watching oneanother. The Spaniards continued their work, thesoldiers protecting the carpenters.

During this period of suspense, two Spaniards went to filla vessel with water at the river's mouth, and, more quicklythan I can write it, a native chief and ten soldiers surroundedthem, pointing their arrows on them but not shooting, contentingthemselves with glaring at them ferociously. Oneof the Spaniards fled, but the other stood trembling inhis tracks, and by invectives called back his companion.He spoke to the enemy in their own tongue, which he hadlearned from one of the captives captured elsewhere, andthey, surprised at hearing their language in the mouth ofa stranger, were mollified and answered with gentle words.The soldier assured them that he and his friends weremerely strangers passing through, and he was astonishedthat they drove the ships from the coast, along whichthey were sailing. He accused them of inhumanity,and threatened them with dire misfortunes did they notabandon their design; for he assured them that unlessthey not only laid down their arms but received theSpaniards with honour, other armed strangers, morenumerous than the sands, would arrive and ravage theircountry. Enciso was informed that two soldiers had beenseized by natives, but suspecting a trap he ordered hissoldiers to carry their shields to protect themeselves fromthe poisoned arrows and, hastily forming them in orderof battle, he led them towards those who held the prisoners.A sign from the soldier, begging him to stop, caused himto call a halt, and, at the same time, the other soldierwhom he summoned told him that everything was goingon well and that the Indians desired peace, since they haddiscovered that they were not the men who had sacked thevillage on the opposite coast, destroyed and burnedanother village in the interior, and carried off prisoners.This alluded to Hojeda's troops. The natives had comeintending to avenge this outrage, but they had no intentionof attacking innocent men, for they declared it was infamousto attack anyone who did not attack them. The nativeslaid down their bows and arrows, and received the Spaniardsamicably, giving them salted fish and bread. Theyalso filled their barrels with a certain brew made fromnative fruits and grain, which was almost as good as wine.

After concluding a peace with the people of Caramairiwho, in response to the summons of their cacique, assembledin a great crowd, Enciso left for Uraba, passing by theisland La Fuerte. He had one hundred and fifty newsoldiers on his ship, to replace those who were dead.He carried twelve horses and swine, both male and female,for propagating the species in that region. He wasprovided with fifty cannon and a good supply of lances,shields, swords, and other fighting material. Nothing,however, of all he brought saw service; for as he wasabout to enter the port, the captain of the ship whowas acting as pilot, drove it upon a sandy reef andthe unfortunate vessel was overwhelmed by the waves,and shattered. Its entire contents were lost. What apitiful sight! Of all the provisions they only savedtwelve barrels of flour, a few cheeses, and a small quantityof biscuit. All their animals were drowned, and the men,almost naked, with some of their weapons, were saved bythe brigantine and the ship's boat. Thus from onemisfortune to another they were reduced to extremeperil of their lives, and thought no more about gold.

Behold them, therefore, alive and safe in view of theland they had desired with their whole hearts. It wasnecessary, first of all, to find some means of subsistence,for men do not live on air, and as they had nothing oftheir own, they took what belonged to others. One happyresource lightened their misfortunes; for they found apalm grove not far from the coast, between which and theneighbouring swamps there wandered herds of wild swine.They lived, therefore, for some time on the flesh of theseanimals, which are said to be smaller than ours and havesuch a short tail it appears to have been cut off. Theirfeet are also different from those of our wild boars, forthe hind feet have only one toe and no hoof. Theirflesh is much more succulent and wholesome than that ofour wild boars.

The Spaniards likewise ate fruits and roots of a varietyof palms, called cabbage palms, such as are eaten in theinterior of Andalusia, and of whose leaves brooms aremade in Rome. Besides this they found other fruits inthe country, though most of them, even the plums, werenot yet ripe and were somewhat hard and red in colour. Iassume that these were the variety I ate in the month ofApril in Alexandria, where they grew on trees, which theJews, who are versed in the Mosaic law, claim to be thecedar of Lebanon. They are edible and sweet though notwithout a trace of bitterness, resembling the fruit of crab-appletrees. The natives plant this tree in their gardens inplace of peach, cherry, and other similar trees, and cultivateit with the greatest care. In size, the character of its trunkand its leaves, it closely resembles the jujube tree.

When the wild boar gave out, the Spaniards wereobliged to take thought for the future, so they marchedtheir troops into the interior. The inhabitants ofCaribana country are very skilful in the use of bows andarrows. The troop of Enciso consisted of a body of ahundred men.[7] They encountered three naked savageswho, without the slightest fear, attacked them. Thenatives wounded four with poisoned arrows and killedsome others, after which, their quivers being exhausted,they fled with the rapidity of the wind, for they areextremely agile. In their flight they hurled insults atthe Spaniards, and they never shot an arrow that failedto hit its mark. Much depressed and inclined to abandonthe country, the Spaniards returned to their point ofdeparture, where they found the natives had destroyedthe blockhouse built by Hojeda, and burned the villageof thirty houses as soon as Francisco Pizarro and hiscompanions, deserted by Hojeda, abandoned it.

[Note 7:The text continues somewhat irrelevantly: dico centum pedites, etsi menon lateat constare centuriam ex centum viginti octo militibus, ut decuriam exquindecim. Licet tamen de gente nuda scribenti, nudis uti verbis interdum.]

Their exploration of the country convinced the Spaniardsthat the eastern part of Uraba was richer andmore fertile than the western. They therefore dividedtheir forces and, with the assistance of a brigantine,transported one half of their people thither, the other halfremaining on the eastern coast. The gulf is twenty-fourmiles long, growing narrower as it penetrates inland.Many rivers flow into the Gulf of Uraba, one of which,called the Darien,[8] they say, is more fortunate than the Nile.

[Note 8:The name Darien applies to the eastern part of the isthmus of Panama,extending from the Gulf of San Miguel to that of Uraba. The river bearingthe same name forms a large estuary in the Gulf of San Miguel.]

The Spaniards decided to settle upon its green bankswhere fruit trees grow. The river bed is narrow andits current sluggish. The people along the banks weremuch amazed to see the brigantine, so much largerthan their own barques, under full sail. Getting rid oftheir women and non-fighting men, and donning theirfighting equipment, about five hundred of them advancedagainst the Spaniards, taking up a position upona lofty hillock. The Spaniards, commanded by Enciso,who was judge in the name of Hojeda, prepared for theconflict. First kneeling, general and soldiers togetherprayed God to give them the victory. They boundthemselves by a vow to make votive offerings of goldand silver to the statue of the Blessed Virgin, knownin Seville by the name of Santa Maria della Antigua,vowing to make a pilgrimage to her sanctuary, to namein her honour the village they might found, and to builda church sacred to her or to transform the house of thecacique into a church. They also took a vow not to retreatbefore the enemy.

At a given signal they cheerfully armed themselves;carrying their shields on their left arms, brandishing theirhalberds, they charged upon the enemy who, being naked,could not resist the attack for long, and consequentlyfled, their cacique, Zemaco, at their head. Promptlytaking possession of the village, our men found anabundance of native food and assuaged their immediatehunger. There was bread made of roots and bread madeof grain, such as we have described in our first book;also fruits bearing no resemblance to any of ours and whichthey preserve, much as we do chestnuts and similar fruits.

The men of this country go naked, the women coverthe middle of their body with cotton draperies from thenavel downwards. Winter's rigours are unknown. Themouth of the Darien is only eight degrees distant fromthe equator, thus the difference in length between nightand day is hardly noticeable. Although the natives areignorant of astronomy they had remarked this fact.Moreover, it is of small importance whether these measuresare or are not different from those they give, for in anycase the differences are insignificant.

The next day, the Spaniards ascended the river andabout a mile distant they found very dense forestsand woods, in which they suspected the natives wereeither hiding or had their treasure concealed. Theysearched the thickets carefully; keeping always ontheir guard against a surprise they moved under coverof their shields. Nobody was found in the thickets,but there was a quantity of gold and effects, coverletswoven of silk and of cotton, such as the Italianscall bombasio and the Spanish algodon; utensils, bothof wood and terra-cotta, gold and copper ornaments andnecklaces, amounting in all to about one hundred andtwo pounds. The natives procure these gold necklaces,which they themselves work with great care, in exchangefor their own products, for it usually happens that acountry rich in cereals is devoid of gold. On the otherhand, where gold and other metals are common, thecountry is usually mountainous, rocky, and arid; it isby exchanging products that commercial relations areestablished. The Spaniards derived satisfaction andencouragement from two sources: they had found plentyof gold, and chance had led them into an agreeableand fertile region. They immediately summoned theircompanions, who had been left on the eastern shore ofthe Gulf of Uraba, to join them. Nevertheless, somepeople allege that the climate is not very healthy, sincethe country consists of a deep valley, surrounded bymountains and swamps.

BOOK II

You are aware, Most Holy Father, of where thoseSpaniards under the command of Hojeda hadresolved to settle, having received from theSpanish sovereigns authorisation to colonise the vastregions of Uraba. Leaving for a moment these colonistslet us return to Nicuesa, who was in command of thegreat province of Veragua.

I have already related how he had overstepped thelimits of the jurisdiction of his partner and friend Hojeda,and had sailed with one caravel and two brigantinesfor Veragua. The largest of these vessels had been leftbehind with orders to follow him, but this proved a mostunfortunate inspiration, for Nicuesa lost sight of hiscompanions in the darkness and, sailing too far, wentbeyond the mouths of the Veragua for which he waslooking. Lopez de Olano, a Catalonian, who was incommand of one of the largest of the vessels, learnedfrom the natives while he followed in the track of Nicuesathat his commander had left the Gulf of Veragua to theeast. He therefore promptly turned about and sailedto meet the commander of another brigantine which hadlikewise got out of its course during the night. Thisbrigantine was commanded by Pedro de Umbria.Rejoicing at thus meeting, the two captains consultedas to what they should do, trying to imagine what courseNicuesa could have taken. On reflection they thoughtthat he (Nicuesa), being chief commander of the expedition,must have had different indications concerning the exactlocation of Veragua than they, who were simple volunteers,and only sought to rejoin their leader. They laid theircourse towards Veragua, and at a distance of sixteen milesfound a river, discovered by Columbus and called by himLos Lagartos, because a number of these animals, called inSpanish lagartos, in Latin lacertos[1] were found there. Thesecreatures are as dangerous to men and to other animalsas are the crocodiles of the Nile. At that place theymet their companions who had anchored their largevessels after receiving the leader's orders to proceed.Much disturbed by the possible consequences of Nicuesa'sblunder, the ships' captains consulted together and decidedto adopt the opinion of the captains of the brigantineswhich had coasted along very near to the shoresof Veragua; they therefore sailed for that port. Veraguais a local name given to a river which has rich gold deposits;and from the river, the name extends to the entire region.The large vessels anchored at the mouth of the river andlanded all the provisions by means of the ships' boats.Lopez de Olano was chosen governor in place of Nicuesawho was thought to be lost.

[Note 1: Lizards, by which are doubtless meant alligators.]

Acting upon the advice of Lopez and other officers,the ships rendered useless by age were abandoned to bedestroyed by the waves; this decision was likewise adoptedto encourage serious projects of colonisation by cuttingoff all hope of escape. With the more solid timbers andwith beams cut from the trees, which in that neighbourhoodsometimes attain an extraordinary height and size, theSpaniards built a new caravel to provide for unforeseenwants.

When the captain of one of the brigantines, Pedrode Umbria, reached Veragua, a catastrophe befell. Beinga man of irritable disposition, he resolved to separatefrom his companions and seek a region where he mightestablish himself independently. He selected twelvesailors and departed in the largest ship's boat belongingto one of the greater vessels. The tide rolls in on thatcoast with as dreadful roarings as those which are describedas prevailing at Scylla in Sicily, dashing themselvesagainst the rocks projecting into the sea, fromwhich they are thrown back with great violence, causingan agitation which the Spaniards call resacca.[2] Umbria'sboat was caught in a whirlpool like a mountain torrentwhich, despite his efforts, dashed him into the sea andsunk his barque before the eyes of his companions.Only one Spaniard, who was a skilful swimmer, succeededin saving himself by clutching a rock which rose slightlyabove the waters, and there held out against the ragingtempest. The next day when the sea had abated and thetide had left the reef dry, he rejoined his companions,and the eleven others perished. The other Spaniardsdid not venture to take to their barques but landed directfrom the brigantines.

[Note 2: Meaning the undertow of surf.]

After a stop of a few days they ascended the river, andfound some native villages, called in the language of thecountry mumu. They set to work to construct a forton the bank, and as the country round about seemedsterile, they sowed, as in Europe, a valley of which thesoil seemed apt for cultivation. While these things werehappening in Veragua, one of the Spaniards, who wasstationed on a high rock which served as a lookout,casting his eyes to the west, cried "A sail! a sail!" Asthe ship approached it was seen to be a barque under fullsail. The newcomers were joyfully welcomed. Theboat turned out to be a barque belonging to the caravelof Nicuesa, which could only carry five persons; but asa matter of fact there were only three men on board.These men had stolen the barque because Nicuesa hadrefused to believe them when they assured him that hehad passed beyond Veragua, leaving that place behindhim to the east. Seeing that Nicuesa and his men wereperishing of hunger, they resolved to try their fortunesin that barque, and to attempt to discover Veragua bythemselves, and they had succeeded. They describedNicuesa as wandering aimlessly, after having lost hiscaravel in a storm, and that he was practically lost amongsalt marshes and desert coasts, being destitute of everythingand reduced to a most miserable plight, since forseventy days he had eaten nothing but herbs and roots anddrunk nothing but water, of which indeed he had notalways enough. This all came about because, in seekingVeragua, he persisted in his course towards the west.

The country had already been reconnoitred by thatgreat discoverer of vast regions, Christopher Columbus,who had given it the name of Gracias à Dios; in the nativetongue it was called Cerabaro. The river which theSpaniards call San Mateo divides it into two portions,and it is distant about one hundred and thirty milesfrom western Veragua. I do not give the native namesof this river or of other localities, because the explorerswho have returned to Spain do not themselves know them.The report of these three sailors prompted Pedro de Olano,one of Nicuesa's two captains and his deputy judge, tosend one of the brigantines piloted by the same sailors,to find and bring back Nicuesa. Upon his arrival,Nicuesa ordered Olano, who had been appointed governorpending his return, to be put into irons, and imprisoned,accusing him of treason for having usurped the authorityof governor and not having concerned himself sufficiently,while enjoying the command, about the disappearanceof his chief. He likewise accused him of negligence insending so late to search for him.

In like manner Nicuesa reproached everybody inarrogant terms, and within a few days he commandedthat they should make ready to depart. The colonistsbegged him not to decide hastily, and to wait at leastuntil the crops that they had sown were harvested, asthe harvesting season was now at hand. Four monthshad now passed since they had sown. Nicuesa refusedto listen to anything, declaring they must leave such anunfortunate country as quickly as possible. He thereforecarried off everything that had been landed at theGulf of Veragua, and ordered the ships to sail towards theeast. After sailing sixteen miles a young Genoese,called Gregorio, recognised the vicinity of a certain harbour,to prove which he declared that they would find buriedin the sand an anchor which had been abandoned there,and under a tree near to the harbour, a spring of clearwater. Upon landing they found the anchor and thespring, and gave thanks for the excellent memory ofGregorio, who, alone amongst the numerous sailors whohad sailed these seas together with Columbus, rememberedanything about these particulars. Columbus had namedthis place Porto Bello.

Hunger induced them to land at several places, andeverywhere their reception by the natives was hostile.The Spaniards were now reduced by famine to such a stateof weakness that they could no longer fight against natives,even naked ones, who offered the least resistance.Twenty of them died from wounds of poisoned arrows.It was decided to leave one half of the company at PortoBello, and with the other half Nicuesa continued hisvoyage eastwards. Twenty-eight miles from Porto Belloand near a cape which Columbus had formerly calledMarmor, he decided to found a fort, but the want of foodhad too much reduced the strength of his men to permitthis labour. Nicuesa nevertheless erected a small tower,sufficient to withstand the first attacks of the natives,which he called Nombre de Dios. From the day he hadleft Veragua, not only during his march across the sandyplains but also because of the famine which prevailedwhile he was constructing the tower, he lost two hundredof the men who still survived. Thus it was that, littleby little, his numerous company of seven hundred andeighty-five men was reduced to about one hundred.

While Nicuesa, with a handful of wretched creatures,struggled in this manner against ill fortune, rivalry forthe command broke out in Uraba. A certain VascoNuñez Balboa[3] who, in the opinion of most people, was aman of action rather than of judgment, stirred up hiscompanions against the judge Enciso, declaring that thelatter possessed no royal patents giving him judicialpowers. The fact of his being chosen by Hojeda to actas governor was not enough. He succeeded in impedingEnciso in his functions, and the colonists of Uraba chosesome of their own men to administer the colony; butdissension was not long in dividing them, especially whentheir leader Hojeda did not return. They thought thelatter dead, of his wound, and disputed among themselvesas to whether they should not summon Nicuesa to take hisplace. Some influential members of the council who hadbeen friends of Nicuesa and could not endure the insolenceof Vasco Nuñez thought they ought to scour the countryin search of Nicuesa; for they had heard it reported thathe had abandoned Uraba on account of the barrenness ofthe soil. Possibly he was wandering in unknown places likeEnciso and other victims of wrecks; therefore they shouldnot rest until they had discovered whether he and hisassociates still lived.

[Note 3:Balboa was of a noble family of Xeres de los Caballeros, and wasborn in 1475. He came to Hispaniola in 1500, where he suffered extremepoverty. He went on board Enciso's vessel as a stowaway.]

Vasco Nuñez, who feared to be deposed from his commandon the arrival of Nicuesa, treated those who stillbelieved that the latter lived, as foolish. Moreover,even were the fact proven, they had no need of him, fordid they not possess as good a title as Nicuesa? Opinionswere thus divided, when the captain of two large vessels,Roderigo de Colmenares, arrived bringing a reinforcementof sixty men, a quantity of foodstuffs, and clothing.

I must recount some particulars of the voyage ofColmenares. It was about the ides of October in theyear 1510 that Colmenares sailed from Beata, the portof Hispaniola, where expeditions are usually fitted out.The nones of November he reached the coast of thatimmense country of Paria, between the port of Carthagenaand the district of Cuchibacoa, discovered by Columbus.He suffered equally during this voyage from the attacksof the natives and from the fury of the sea. Being shortof water, he stopped at the mouth of the river called bythe natives Gaira, which was large enough for his shipsto enter. This river has different sources on a lofty snow-coveredmountain, which Roderigo's companions declaredto be the highest they had ever seen. This statementmust be true, since the snow lay upon a mountain whichis not more than ten degrees distant from the equator.A shallop was sent ashore at the Gaira to fill the waterbarrels, and while the sailors were engaged in this taskthey saw a cacique accompanied by twenty of his peopleapproaching. Strange to behold, he was dressed incotton clothing, and a cloak, held in place by a band,fell from his shoulders to the elbow. He also wore anothertrailing tunic of feminine design. The cacique advancedand amicably advised our men not to take water at thatparticular place, because it was of poor quality; he showedthem close at hand another river of which the waterswere more wholesome. The Spaniards repaired to theriver indicated by the cacique, but were prevented bythe bad state of the sea from finding its bottom, for thesands fairly bubbled as it were, which indicated that thesea was full of reefs. They were obliged, therefore, tocome back to the first river, where at least they couldsafely anchor. Here the cacique disclosed his treacherousintentions, for while our men were engaged in filling theirbarrels, he fell upon them, followed by seven hundrednaked men, armed in the native fashion, only he and hisofficers wearing clothing. He seized the barque, whichhe smashed to pieces, and in a twinkling the forty-sevenSpaniards were pierced with arrow-wounds, before theycould protect themselves with their shields. There wasbut one man who survived, all the rest perishing from theeffects of the poison. No remedy against this kind ofpoison was then known, and it was only later that theislanders of Hispaniola revealed it; for there exists anherb in Hispaniola of which the juice, if administeredin time, counteracts the poison of the arrows. Sevenother Spaniards escaped the massacre, and took refugein the trunk of a gigantic tree hollowed by age, wherethey concealed themselves till night. But they didnot for that reason escape, for at nightfall the ship ofColmenares sailed away, leaving them to their fate, andit is not known what became of them.

Lest I should weary you if I related all the particulars,Most Holy Father, I omit mention of the thousandperilous adventures through which Colmenares finallyreached the Gulf of Uraba. He anchored off the easterncoast, which is sterile, and from that point he rejoinedhis compatriots on the opposite bank several days later.The silence everywhere amazed him; for he had expectedto find his comrades in those parts. Mystified by thisstate of things, he wondered whether the Spaniards werestill alive or whether they had settled elsewhere; and hechose an excellent means for obtaining information. Heloaded all his cannon and mortars to the muzzle withbullets and powder, and he ordered fires to be lighted onthe tops of the hills. The cannon were all fired together,and their tremendous detonation made the very earthabout the Gulf of Uraba shake. Although they weretwenty-four miles distant, which is the width of the gulf,the Spaniards heard the noise, and seeing the flamesthey replied by similar fires. Guided by these lightsColmenares ordered his ships to cross to the westernshore. The colonists of Darien were in a miserable plight,and after the shipwreck of the judge Enciso it was onlyby the greatest efforts they had managed to exist. Withhands raised to heaven and eyes overflowing with tearsof mingled joy and sadness, they welcomed Colmenaresand his companions with what enthusiasm their wretchedstate allowed. Food and clothing were distributed tothem, since they were almost naked. It only remains,Most Holy Father, to describe the internal dissensionswhich broke out among the colonists of Uraba over thesuccession to the command, after they had lost theirleaders.

BOOK III

The chief colonists of Uraba and all the friends oforder decided to recall Nicuesa from wherever hewas, and as the judge, Enciso, was opposed tothis measure, they deprived him of the brigantine he hadbuilt at his own expense. Contrary to his will and againstthat of Vasco Nuñez, the adventurer, they decided togo in search of Nicuesa in order that he might settle thedispute about the commandership. Colmenares, whomI have mentioned above, was commanded to searchalong those coasts where it was thought Nicuesa wanderedabandoned. It was known that the latter had leftVeragua, because of the sterility of the soil. The colonistsinstructed Colmenares to bring Nicuesa back as soon ashe could find him and to assure him they would be gratefulto him if, on his arrival, he succeeded in calming thedissensions which rent the colony. Colmenares acceptedthis mission, for he was a personal friend of Nicuesa, andboldly announced that the provisions he had brought wereintended as much for Nicuesa as for the colonists ofUraba. He, therefore, fitted out one of his ships and thebrigantine, which had been taken from Enciso, loadingthem with a part of the provisions he had brought. Hecoasted carefully along the neighbouring shores, andfinally came upon Nicuesa engaged in building his toweron Cape Marmor.

Nicuesa was the most wretched of men, reduced to askeleton, covered with rags. There remained barelysixty of the seven hundred and more companions who hadstarted with him, and the survivors were more to be pitiedthan the dead. Colmenares comforted his friend Nicuesa,embracing him with tears, cheering him with words of hopefor a change of fortune and speedy success. He remindedhim that the best element of the colonists of Uraba wishedfor his return, because his authority alone could quiet thedissensions which raged. Thanking his friend, as becamethe situation, Nicuesa sailed with him for Uraba.

It is a common thing to observe amongst men thatarrogance accompanies success. After having wept andsighed and poured out complaints for his miseries, afterhaving overwhelmed his rescuer, Colmenares, with thanksand almost rolled at his feet, Nicuesa, when the fear ofstarvation was removed, began, even before he had seenthe colonists of Uraba, to talk airily of his projects ofreform and his intention to get possession of all the goldthere was. He said that no one had the right to keepback any of the gold, without his authorisation, or thatof his associate Hojeda. These imprudent words reachedthe ears of the colonists of Uraba, and roused againstNicuesa the indignation of the partisans of Enciso,Hojeda's deputy judge, and that of Nuñez. It thereforefell out that Nicuesa, with sixty companions, had hardlylanded, so it is reported, before the colonists forced himto re-embark, overwhelming him with threats. Thebetter intentioned of the colonists were displeased atthis demonstration, but fearing a rising of the majorityheaded by Vasco Nuñez, they did not interfere. Nicuesawas therefore obliged to regain the brigantine, and thereremained with him only seventeen of his sixty companions.It was the calends of March in the year 1511 when Nicuesaset sail, intending to return to Hispaniola and there complainof the usurpation of Vasco Nuñez and the violenttreatment offered the judge, Enciso.

He sailed in an evil hour and no news was ever againheard of that brigantine. It is believed the vessel sank,and that all the men were drowned. However that maybe, Nicuesa plunged from one calamity into another,and died even more miserably than he had lived.

After the shameful expulsion of Nicuesa, the colonistsconsumed the provisions Colmenares had brought, andsoon, driven by hunger, they were forced to plunderthe neighbourhood of the colony like wolves of the forest.A troop of about one hundred and thirty men was formedunder the leadership of Vasco Nuñez, who organised themlike a band of brigands. Puffed up by vanity, he senta guard in advance, and had others to accompany andfollow him. He chose Colmenares[1] as his associate andcompanion. From the outset of this expedition he determinedto seize everything he could find in the territoryof the neighbouring caciques, and he began by marchingalong the shore of the district of Coiba, of which we havealready spoken. Summoning the cacique of that district,Careca, of whom the Spaniards had never had reasonto complain, he haughtily and threateningly ordered himto furnish provisions for his men. The cacique Carecaanswered that it was impossible, because he had alreadyat different times helped the Christians and consequentlyhis own provisions were well-nigh exhausted. Moreover,in consequence of a long-drawn-out war with a neighbouringcacique called Poncha, he was himself reduced to want.The adventurer admitted none of these reasons, and thewretched Careca saw his town sacked. He himself wasput in irons and brought with his two wives, his sons andall his familia to Darien.[2] In the house of Careca theyfound three of Nicuesa's companions, who, when his shipswere at anchor, during his search for Veragua, had desertedhim because they feared to be tried for certaincrimes. As soon as the fleet sailed away, they took refugewith Careca who received them amicably. Eighteenmonths had elapsed since that time, so they were asnaked as the natives, but plump as the capons womenfatten in dark places, for they had lived well at thecacique's table during that period; nor did they concernthemselves about meum and tuum, or as to who gave andwho received, which is the cause of the crimes of violencethat shorten human life.

[Note 1:The memoir of Colmenares on this expedition is contained in Navarrete'sColeccion de Viajes, tom. iii., pp. 386-393. Also Balboa's letter toKing Ferdinand in the same volume.]

[Note 2:Balboa's description of his treatment of the natives, which he pennedto the King, is just the contrary. He prides himself on having won theirfriendship, and ascribes to their affection for him his success in discoveringthe treasures and secrets of the country.]

These Spaniards nevertheless preferred to return to a lifeof hardship. Provisions were brought from the villageof Careca to the people left behind at Darien, for the firstconsideration was to stave off the famine that was imminent.Whether before or afterwards I am not certain,but in any event it was shortly after the expulsion ofNicuesa that quarrels broke out between the judge, Enciso,and Vasco Nuñez, each being supported by his ownpartisans. Enciso was seized, thrown into prison, andall his goods sold at auction. It was alleged that he hadusurped judicial functions never granted him by the Kingbut merely by Hojeda, who was supposed to be dead,and Vasco Nuñez declared that he would not obey a manon whom the King had not conferred authority by aroyal patent. He allowed himself, however, to beinfluenced by the entreaties of the better colonists andmodified his severity, even releasing Enciso from hischains and permitting him to go on board a ship whichwould carry him to Hispaniola. Before the vessel sailed,some of the better people of the colony sought out Encisoand implored him to come on shore again, promising toeffect a reconciliation with Vasco Nuñez and to reinstatehim in his position of judge. Enciso refused and left;nor are there wanting people who whispered that God andHis Saints had themselves shaped events to punish Encisofor Nicuesa's expulsion, which he had counselled.

Be that as it may, these discoverers of new countriesruined and exhausted themselves by their own follyand civil strife, failing absolutely to rise to the greatnessexpected of men who accomplish such wonderful things.Meanwhile it was decided by common agreement amongthe colonists to send their representatives to the youngAdmiral,[3] son and heir of Columbus, the first discoverer,who was viceroy of Hispaniola, and to the other governmentofficials of the island. These envoys were tosolicit reinforcements and a code of laws for the new colonies.They were to explain the true situation, the actualpoverty of the colonists, the discoveries already made,and all that might still be hoped for, if the officials wouldonly send them supplies. Vasco Nuñez chose for thisoffice one of his adherents, Valdivia, the same who hadprosecuted the suit against Enciso. Associated with himwas a Catalonian, called Zamudio. It was agreed thatValdivia should return with provisions from Hispaniola,when his mission was accomplished, and that Zamudioshould proceed to Spain and see the King. Both leftthe same time as Enciso, but it was the latter's intentionto present a memorial to the King contradicting therepresentations of Valdivia and Zamudio. Both thesemen came to see me at Court, and I will elsewhere recountwhat they told me.

[Note 3: Diego, son of Christopher Columbus and his wife, Doña Moñiz dePerestrello. He was married to Doña Maria de Toledo.]

During this time the wretched colonists of Darienliberated the cacique of Coiba, Careca, and even agreedto serve as his allies during a campaign against the caciquecalled Poncha, who was a neighbour of Careca on thecontinent. Careca agreed to supply the Spaniards withfood, and to join them with his family and subjects.The only arms these natives used were bows and poisonedarrows, as we have already described was the case amongstthose in the eastern part beyond the gulf. As they haveno iron, they use in hand-to-hand combat long woodenswords, which they call machanas. They likewise usepointed sticks hardened in the fire, bone-tipped javelins,and other projectiles. The campaign with Ponchabegan immediately after they had sown their fields aswell as they could. Careca acted both as guide andcommander of the vanguard. When his town was attackedPoncha fled, and the village and its surroundingswere sacked. Thanks to the cacique's provisions, nothingwas to be feared from hunger, but none of these suppliescould be taken to the colonists who remained behind,for the distance between Darien and Poncha's villagewas more than a hundred miles, and everything had to becarried on men's backs to the nearest coast where theships, which had been brought by the Spaniards toCareca's village, were lying. A few pounds of wroughtgold, in the form of divers necklaces, were obtained;after ruining Poncha, the Spaniards returned to theirships, deciding to leave the caciques of the interior inpeace and to confine their attacks to those along the coast.

Not far distant, in the same direction from Coiba,lies a country called Comogra, whose cacique is namedComogre, and against him the Spaniards delivered theirnext attack. His town stands at the foot of the other sideof the neighbouring mountain chain, in a fertile plainsome twelve leagues in extent. A relative of one ofCareca's principal officers, who had quarrelled with him,had taken refuge with Comogre. This man was calledJura, and acted as intermediary between the Spaniardsand Comogre, whose friendship he secured for them.Jura was very well known to the Spaniards ever sinceNicuesa's expedition, and it was he who had receivedthose three deserters from Nicuesa's company in his ownhouse during their stay. When peace was concluded,the Spaniards repaired to the palace of Comogre, whichlies some thirty leagues distant from Darien, but not in adirect line, for the intervening mountains obliged themto make long detours. Comogre had seven sons fromdifferent women, all handsome children or young men,wearing no clothes. His palace was formed of beamscut from the trees, and securely fastened together. Itwas further strengthened by stone walls. The Spaniardsestimated the dimensions of this palace at one hundredand fifty paces the length and eighty paces the breadth.Its ceilings were carved and the floors were artisticallydecorated. They noticed a storehouse filled with nativeprovisions of the country, and a cellar stacked with earthenwarebarrels and wooden kegs, as in Spain, or Italy.These receptacles contained excellent wine, not of thekind made from grapes, for they have no vineyards, butsuch as they make from three kinds of roots and the grainthey use for making bread, called, as we have said in ourfirst book, yucca, ages, and maize; they likewise use the fruitof the palm-trees. The Germans, Flemings and English,as well as the Spanish mountaineers in the Basqueprovinces and the Asturias, and the Austrians, Swabians,and Swiss in the Alps make beer from barley, wheat, andfruits in the same manner. The Spaniards report thatat Comogra they drank white and red wines of differentflavours.

Attend now, Sovereign Pontiff, to another and horrifyingsight. Upon entering the cacique's inner apartmentsthe Spaniards found a room filled with bodiessuspended in cotton ropes. They inquired the motive ofthis superstitious custom, and were informed that theywere the bodies of the ancestors of Comogre, which werepreserved with great care, according to the rank they hadoccupied in life; respect for the dead being part of theirreligion. Golden masks decorated with stones wereplaced upon their faces, just as ancient families renderedhomage to the Penates. In my first book I explainedhow they dry these bodies by stretching them on grid-ironswith a slow fire beneath, in such a way that theyare reduced to skin and bone.

The eldest of the seven sons of Comogre was a youngman of extraordinary intelligence. In his opinion it waswiser to treat those Spanish vagabonds kindly, and toavoid furnishing them any pretext for the violent acts theyhad committed on neighbouring tribes. He thereforepresented four thousand drachmas of wrought gold andseventy slaves to Vasco Nuñez and Colmenares, as theywere the leaders. These natives sell and exchange whateverarticles they need amongst themselves, and have nomoney. The Spaniards were engaged in the vestibuleof Comogre, weighing his gold and another almost equalquantity they had obtained elsewhere. They wished toset aside the fifth belonging to the royal treasury; for ithas been decided that the fifth part of all gold, silver, andprecious stones shall be set aside for the King's agents.The remainder is divided according to agreement. Severaldisputes arose among the Spaniards regarding theirshares. The eldest son of Comogre, the wise youth, whowas present, struck the scales with his fist and scatteredthe gold in all directions, and calling our men's attentionhe spoke in choice language as follows:

"What thing then is this, Christians? Is it possiblethat you set a high value upon such a small quantity ofgold? You nevertheless destroy the artistic beauty ofthese necklaces, melting them into ingots. [For theSpaniards had their smelting instruments with them.]If your thirst of gold is such that in order to satisfy ityou disturb peaceable people and bring misfortune andcalamity among them, if you exile yourselves from yourcountry in search of gold, I will show you a country whereit abounds and where you can satisfy the thirst thattorments you. But to undertake this expedition youneed more numerous forces, for you will have toconquer powerful rulers, who will defend their countryto the death. More than all others, the King Tumanamawill oppose your advance, for his is the richest kingdomof all. It lies six suns distant from ours [they count thedays by suns]; moreover you will encounter Carib tribesin the mountains, fierce people who live on human flesh,are subject to no law, and have no fixed country. They conqueredthe mountaineers for they coveted the gold mines,and for this reason they abandoned their own country.They transform the gold they obtain by the labourof the wretched mountaineers into wrought leaves anddifferent articles such as those you see, and by this meansthey obtain what they want. They have artisans andjewellers who produce these necklaces. We place no morevalue on rough gold than on a lump of clay, before it hasbeen transformed by the workman's hand into a vasewhich pleases our taste or serves our need. These Caribsalso make artistic potteries which we obtain in exchangefor the products of our harvests, as for example our prisonersof war, whom they buy for food, or our stuffs anddifferent articles of furniture. We also furnish them withthe supplies they need; for they live in the mountains.Only by force of arms could this mountain district bepenetrated. Once on the other side of those mountains,"he said, indicating with his finger another mountainrange towards the south, "another sea which has neverbeen sailed by your little boats [meaning the caravels]is visible. The people there go naked and live aswe do, but they use both sails and oars. On the otherside of the watershed the whole south slope of the mountainchain is very rich in gold mines."

Such was his speech, and he added that the caciqueTumanama, and all the mountaineers living on the otherslope of the mountain, used kitchen and other commonutensils made of gold; "for gold," he said, "has no morevalue among them than iron among you." From whathe had heard from the Spaniards he knew the name of themetal used for swords and other arms. Our leaders wereamazed at that naked young man's discourse which,thanks to the three deserters who had been during eighteenmonths at the court of Careca, they understood. Theytook a decision worthy of the moment and, abandoningtheir wrangling over the gold-weighing, they began to jokeand to discuss amiably the words and information of theyoung cacique. They asked him amicably why he hadtold them that story, and what they should do in casereinforcements did arrive. The son of Comogre reflectedfor a moment, as does an orator preparing for a seriousdebate, even thinking of the bodily movements likely toconvince his hearers, and then spoke again as follows,always in his own language:

"Listen to me, Christians; we people who go nakedare not tormented by covetousness, but we are ambitious,and we fight one against the other for power, each seekingto conquer his neighbour. This, therefore, is the sourceof frequent wars and of all our misfortunes. Our ancestorshave been fighting men. Our father, Comogre, likewisefought with his neighbouring caciques, and we have beenboth conquerors and conquered. Just as you see prisonersof war amongst us, as for instance those seventy captivesI have presented to you, so likewise have our enemiescaptured some of our people; for such are the fortunes ofwar. Here is one of our servants who was once the slaveof the cacique who possesses such treasures of gold, andis the ruler beyond the mountains; there this man draggedout several years of a wretched existence. Not only he,but many other prisoners as well as freemen, who havetraversed that country and afterwards come amongst us,know these particulars as far back as they can remember;nevertheless to convince you of the truth of my informationand to allay your suspicions, I will myself go asyour guide. You may bind me, and you may hang meto the first tree if you find I have not told you the exacttruth. Summon, therefore, a thousand soldiers, wellarmed for fighting, in order that, by their help, andassisted by the warriors of my father Comogre armed intheir style, we may shatter the power of our enemies.In this way you will obtain the gold you want, and ourreward for guiding and helping you will be our deliverancefrom hostile attacks and from the fear under whichour ancestors lived; and which destroys our enjoymentof peace."

After speaking thus the wise son of Comogre keptsilence; and the love of gain and the hope of gold fairlymade our men's mouths water.

BOOK IV

The Spaniards remained several days in that place,during which they baptised the cacique Comogre,giving him the name of Charles, after the Spanishprince, and likewise all his family with him. They thenrejoined their companions at Darien, promising, however,to send the soldiers his son desired to assist him in crossingthe sierra and reaching the southern ocean. Upon theirarrival at their village they learned that Valdivia hadreturned six months after his departure but with veryfew stores, because his ship was a small one. He didbring, however, the promise of speedy reinforcements andprovisions. The Admiral-Viceroy and the other governmentofficials of Hispaniola admitted that they had thusfar taken little thought for the colonists at Darien, becausethey supposed the judge, Enciso, had already sailedwith a well-freighted ship. They assured the colonists thatfor the future they would have care for their needs. Forthe time being they had no vessel larger than the one theyhad lent to Valdivia and which sufficed to relieve theirpresent wants.

This caravel was, in fact, a caravel in name only, andbecause of its form, but not in its capacity. The provisionsValdivia brought sufficed only for the needs ofthe moment, and within a few days after his arrival themiseries of famine once more began, chiefly because awaterspout burst from the mountain top, accompaniedby terrible lightnings and thunders, and washed downsuch an amount of rubbish that the harvests, planted inthe month of September before the campaign against thecacique Comogre began, were either swept away orcompletely buried. They consisted of the grain for bread-making,which is called in Hispaniola maize, and in Urabahobba. This maize is harvested twice yearly, for the coldof winter is unknown in this country, because of itsproximity to the equator. Bread made of hobba ormaize is preferable to wheaten bread for those who livein this region, because it is more easily digested. Thisis in conformity with physical laws, since, as cold diminishes,less inward heat is generated.

Their hopes of a harvest being thus defeated, andknowing that the neighbouring caciques had already beenstripped of their provisions and gold, the Spaniards wereforced to penetrate into the interior in search of food. Atthe same time they sent to inform the officials in Hispaniolaof their distress, and also of Comogre's revelations tothem about the southern ocean. It was desirable that theKing of Spain should send a thousand soldiers with whomthey might cross the mountains separating the two seas.Valdivia was sent back with these letters, and he wascharged to deliver to the King's fiscal agent in Hispaniolathe royal fifth due to the treasury, represented by threehundred pounds of gold, at eight ounces to the pound.This pound is called a marc in Spanish, and is composedof fifty gold pieces, called castellanos. The weight ofeach castellano, a Castilian coin, is called a peso, andthe entire sum, therefore, amounted to fifteen thousandcastellanos. The castellano is a coin somewhat inferiorto one thirtieth of a pound, but its value exceeds that ofa golden ducat. This coin is peculiar to Castile, and isnot minted in any other province. It may be concluded,therefore, from the sum assigned for the royal fifth, thatthe Spaniards had taken from the caciques fifteen hundredpounds of gold, at eight ounces to the pound. Theyhad found this metal worked into divers shapes: necklacescollars, bracelets, small plaques to be worn on the breast,and ear or nose rings.

On the third day of the ides of January, Anno Domini1511, Valdivia set sail on the little caravel with which hehad just returned. In addition to the instructions sentby Vasco Nuñez and the gold destined for the royal fisc,which we have mentioned, his friends had confidedto him their treasure for their relatives in Spain. I shallrelate in proper time what happened to Valdivia, but forthe present let us return to the colony at Uraba.

After Valdivia's departure the colonists, driven todesperation by hunger, resolved to explore the outlineof the gulf, of which the most remote extremity is abouteighty miles distant from the entrance. This extremity iscalled by the Spaniards Culata.[1]

[Note 1:The southern end of the gulf still bears the name Culata del golfo.]

Vasco Nuñez embarked with about one hundred men onboard a brigantine and in some native barques dug out oftree trunks, called by the islanders of Hispaniola canoes,and by the people of Uraba, uru. The river flows into thegulf at that place from the east and is ten times larger thanthe Darien. Up this river the Spaniards sailed for a distanceof thirty miles or a little more than nine leagues, and turningto the left, which is towards the south, they came upona native village, whose cacique was called Dobaiba. InHispaniola their kings are called caciques and in Uraba,chebi, with the accent on the last vowel. It was learned thatZemaco, cacique of Darien, who had been defeated by theSpaniards in open battle, had taken refuge with Dobaiba.The latter, counselled, as it was thought, by Zemaco,fled, and thus evaded the Spanish attack. The placewas deserted, though a stock of bows and arrows, somepieces of furniture, nets, and several fishing boats werefound there. These districts being marshy and low areunsuitable both for agriculture and plantations of trees,so there are few food products, and the natives only procurethese by trading what fish they have in excess of theirwants with their neighbours. Nevertheless seven thousandcastellanos of gold were picked up in the desertedhouses, besides several canoes, about a hundred bows andparcels of arrows, all the furniture, and two native barquesor uru.

In the night-time bats swarmed from the marshesformed by this river, and these animals, which are as bigas pigeons, tormented the Spaniards with their painfulbites. Those who have been bitten confirmed this fact,and the judge Enciso who had been expelled, when askedby me concerning the danger of such bites, told me thatone night, when he slept uncovered because of the heat,he had been bitten by one of these animals on the heel,but that the wound had not been more dangerousthan one made by any other non-poisonous creature.Other people claim that the bite is mortal, but may becured by being washed immediately with sea-water;Enciso also spoke of the efficacy of this remedy. Cauterisationis also used, as it is employed for wounds causedby native poisoned arrows. Enciso had had experiencein Caribana, where many of his men had been wounded.The Spaniards returned to the Gulf of Uraba only partlysatisfied, for they had brought back no provisions.Such a terrible tempest overtook them in that immensegulf on their return voyage, that they were obliged tothrow everything they had stolen from those wretchedfishermen into the sea. Moreover the uru, that is to say,the barques, were lost and with them some of the menon board.

While Vasco Nuñez was exploring the southern extremityof the gulf, Roderigo Colmenares advanced, as hadbeen agreed, by way of the river bed towards the mountainsalong the eastern coast. At a distance of aboutforty miles, that is to say, twelve leagues from the river'smouth, he came upon some villages built on the river bank;the chief, that is to say, chebi, was named Turvi. Colmenaresremained with that cacique, while Vasco Nuñez,who had meanwhile returned to Darien, marched to meethim. When the men of the two companies had beensomewhat recuperated by the provisions which Turvifurnished, their leaders continued their march together.About forty miles distant they discovered an island inthe river, which was inhabited by fishermen, and as theyfound wild cinnamon trees there, they named the islandCannafistula. There were some sixty villages in groupsof ten houses each on this island, and the river on the rightside was large enough both for the native boats and forthe brigantines. This river the Spaniards named RioNegro.

Fifteen miles from its mouth they found a villagecomposed of five hundred scattered houses, of whichthe chebi or cacique was called Abenamcheios. All thehouses were abandoned as soon as the Spaniards approached;and while they were pursuing the natives the lattersuddenly turned, faced them, and threw themselvesupon our soldiers with the desperation of men drivenfrom their homes. They fought with wooden swords,sticks with hardened points and sharp javelins, but notwith arrows; for the river population of the west sideof the gulf do not use arrows in fighting. These poorcreatures, being, in fact, naked, were easily cut to pieces,and in the pursuit, the cacique Abenamcheios and someof his principal chiefs were captured. A foot-soldier,who had been wounded by the cacique, cut off his arm withone blow of his sword, though this was done againstthe will of the commanders. The Christians numberedaltogether about one hundred and fifty men, and theleaders left one half of them in this village, continuingtheir way with the others in nine of the barques whichI have called uru.

Seventy miles distant from Rio Negro and the islandof Cannafistula, the Spaniards, passing by several streamson the right and left which swelled the principal river,entered another under the guidance of a native chief whotook charge of the boats. The cacique of the countryalong its banks was called Abibaiba.

All the region was swampy and the chief house of thecacique was built in a tree. Novel and unaccustomed dwellingplace! The country, however, has such lofty trees thatthe natives may easily build houses among their branches.We read something of this kind in different authors whowrite of certain tribes who, when the waters are rising, takerefuge in these lofty trees and live upon the fish caught intheir branches. They place beams among the branches,joining them so firmly that they resist the strongest winds.The Spaniards believe the natives live thus in the trees becauseinundations are frequent, for these trees are so tallthat no human arm could reach them with a stone. I nolonger feel surprised at what Pliny and other writers recordabout trees in India which, by reason of the fertility of thesoil and the abundant waters, attain such a height that noone could shoot an arrow over them. It is, moreover,commonly believed that the soil of this country and thesupply of water are equal to that of any other land underthe sun. The above-named trees were found by measuringto be of such a size that seven or eight men, with extendedarms, could hardly reach around them. The natives havecellars underground where they keep stores of the wineswe have before mentioned. Although the violence ofthe wind cannot blow down their houses or break thebranches of the trees, they are still swayed about fromside to side, and this movement would spoil the wine.Everything else they require, they keep with them inthe trees, and whenever the principal chiefs or caciquesbreakfast or dine, the servants bring up the wine by meansof ladders attached to the tree trunks, and they are justas quick about it as our servants who, upon a level floor,serve drinks from a sideboard near the table.

Approaching the tree of Abibaiba a discussion began betweenhim and the Spaniards; the latter offering him peaceand begging him to come down. The cacique refused andbegged to be allowed to live in his own fashion. Promiseswere succeeded by threats, and he was told that if he didnot come down with all his family they would eithercut down or set fire to the tree. A second time Abibaibarefused, so they attacked the tree with axes; and when thecacique saw the chips flying he changed his mind and camedown, accompanied by his two sons. They proceededto discuss about peace and gold. Abibaiba declared thathe had no gold, and that as he had never needed it, hehad taken no pains to get it. The Spaniards insisting,the cacique said: "If your cupidity be such, I will seekgold for you in the neighbouring mountains and when Ifind it I will bring it to you; for it is found in thosemountains you behold." He fixed a day when he wouldreturn, but neither then nor later did he reappear.

The Spaniards came back, loaded with the supplies andthe wines of the cacique, but without the gold they hadcounted upon. Nevertheless Abibaiba, his subjects, and hissons gave the same information concerning the gold minesand the Caribs who live upon human flesh, as I have mentioned,as did those at Comogra. They ascended the riveranother thirty miles and came to the huts of some cannibalsbut found them empty, for the savages, alarmed bythe approach of the Spaniards, had taken refuge in themountains, carrying everything they possessed on theirbacks.

BOOK V

While these things were happening on the banksof this river, an officer named Raia, whomVasco Nuñez and Colmenares had left incharge of the camp at Rio Negro in the territory of thecacique Abenamacheios, driven either by hunger or fatalityventured to explore the neighbourhood with nine of hiscompanions. He went to the neighbouring villagebelonging to the cacique Abraibes, and there Raia andtwo of his companions were massacred by that chief,the others succeeding in escaping. Some few days laterAbraibes, sympathising with his relative and neighbourAbenamcheios, who had been driven from his house andhad had his arm cut off by one of our foot-soldiers, gavethe latter refuge in his house, after which he sought outAbibaiba, the cacique who lived in a tree. The latter,having been driven from his abode, also avoided attackby the Spaniards and wandered in the most inaccessibleregions of the mountains and forests.

Abraibes spoke in the following words to Abibaiba:"What is this that is happening, O unfortunate Abibaiba?What race is this that allows us, unfortunates that we are,no peace? And for how long shall we endure their cruelty?Is it not better to die than to submit to such abuse as youhave endured from them? And not only you, but our neighboursAbenamacheios, Zemaco, Careca, Poncha, and allthe other caciques our friends? They carry off our wivesand sons into captivity before our very eyes, and theyseize everything we possess as though it were their booty.Shall we endure this? Me they have not yet attacked,but the experience of others is enough for me, and Iknow that the hour of my ruin is not far distant. Letus then unite our forces and try to struggle against thosewho have maltreated Abenamacheios and driven him fromhis house, and when these first are killed the others willfear to attack us, or if they do so, it will be with diminishednumbers, and in any case it will be more endurable forus." After exchanging their views, Abibaiba and Abraibescame to an understanding and decided upon a day forbeginning their campaign. But events were not favourableto them. It so happened by chance that, on thenight previous to the day fixed for the attack, thirty ofthe soldiers who had crossed the sierra against the cannibalswere sent back to relieve the garrison left at RioNegro, in case of attack, and also because the Spaniardswere suspicious. The caciques rushed into the villageat daybreak with five hundred of their warriors armed innative fashion and shouting wildly. They were ignorantof the reinforcements that had arrived during the night.The soldiers advanced to meet them, using their shieldsto protect themselves; and first shooting arrows andjavelins and afterwards using their native swords, theyfell upon their enemies. These native people, findingthemselves engaged with more adversaries than they hadimagined, were easily routed; the majority were killedlike sheep in a panic. The chiefs escaped. All thosewho were captured were sent as slaves to Darien, wherethey were put to work in the fields.

After these events, and leaving that region pacified, theSpaniards descended the river and returned to Darien, postinga guard of thirty men, commanded by an officer, Hurtado,[1]to hold that province. Hurtado descended the RioNegro to rejoin his leader, Vasco Nuñez, and his companions.He was using one of those large native barques andhad with him twelve companions, a captive woman, andtwenty-four slaves. All at once four uru, that is to say,barques dug out of tree trunks, attacked him on the flank,and overturned his boat. The Spaniards had beentranquilly sailing along without dreaming of the possibilityof an attack, and their barque being suddenlyoverturned all those whom the natives could catch weremassacred or drowned, except two men, who graspedsome floating tree trunks and, concealing themselves inthe branches, let themselves drift, unseen by the enemy,and thus managed to rejoin their companions.

[Note 1:Furatado quodam decurione. Licet decurione more romano non sintaddicti præcise quindecim milites quos regat, centurionique centum vigintiocto, centuriones tamen ultro citroque centenarium numerum, et ultrocitroque denum, decurionem est consilium appellare; nec enim hos servantordines hispani ex amussim, cogimurque nomine rebus et magistratibus dare.Thus Peter Martyr for the second time vindicates his knowledge of Romanmilitary terms and his usage of them. His explanation is extraneous tothe narrative.]

Warned of the danger by those two men who had escapeddeath, the Spaniards became suspicious of everything.They were alarmed for their safety, and remembered thatthey only escaped a similar calamity at Rio Negro becausethey had received the reinforcement of thirty men onthe night before the attack. They held frequent councilsof war, but in the midst of their hesitations theyreached no decision. After careful investigation theyfinally learned that five caciques had fixed a day for themassacre of Christians. These five were: Abibaiba, wholived in the swampy forest; Zemaco, who had been drivenfrom his home; Abraibes and Abenamacheios, the riverchiefs; and Dobaiba, the cacique of the fishermen, livingat the extremity of the gulf called Culata. This planwould have been carried out, and it was only by a miracle,which we are bound to examine with leniency, that chancedisclosed the plot of the caciques. It is a memorablestory and I will tell it in a few words.

This Vasco Nuñez, a man of action rather than ofjudgment, was an egregious ruffian, who had obtainedauthority in Darien by force rather than by consent of thecolonists; amongst the numerous native women he hadcarried off, there was one of remarkable beauty. One ofher brothers, who was an officer much favoured by thecacique Zemaco, often came to visit her. He likewisehad been driven out of his country, but as he loved hissister warmly, he spoke to her in conversation in thefollowing words:

"Listen to me, my dear sister, and keep to yourselfwhat I shall tell you. The insolence of these men,who expelled us from our homes, is such that thecaciques of the country are resolved no longer to submitto their tyranny. Five caciques [whom he named oneafter another] have combined and have collected ahundred uru. Five thousand warriors on land and waterare prepared. Provisions have been collected in theprovince of Tichiri, for the maintenance of these warriors,and the caciques have already divided amongst themselvesthe heads and the property of the Spaniards."

In revealing these things to his sister, the brother warnedher to conceal herself on a certain day, otherwise she mightbe killed in the confusion of the fight. The conqueringwarrior gives no quarter to those whom he vanquishes.He concluded by telling her the day fixed for the attack.Women generally keep the fire better than they do asecret,[2] and so it fell out that this young woman, eitherbecause she loved Vasco Nuñez or because in her panicshe forgot her relatives, her kinsmen, and neighbours aswell as the caciques whom she betrayed to their death,revealed the same to her lover, omitting none of the detailsher brother had imprudently confided to her. VascoNuñez sent this Fulvia to invite her brother to return,and he immediately responded to his sister's invitation.He was seized and forced to confess that the caciqueZemaco, his master, had sent those four uru for themassacre of the Spaniards, and that the plot had beenconceived by him. Zemaco took upon himself the taskof killing Vasco Nuñez, and forty of his people whom hehad sent as an act of friendship to sow and cultivateVasco's fields, had been ordered by him to kill the leaderwith their agricultural tools. Vasco Nuñez habituallyencouraged his labourers at their work by frequentlyvisiting them, and the cacique's men had never venturedto execute his orders, because Vasco never went amongthem except on horseback, and armed. When visiting hislabourers he rode a mare and always carried a spear inhis hand, as men do in Spain; and it was for this reasonthat Zemaco, seeing his wishes frustrated, had conceivedthe other plot which resulted so disastrously for himselfand his people.

[Note 2:Literally, Puella vero, quia ferrum est quod feminæ observant, magisquam Catonianam gravitatem.]

As soon as the conspiracy was discovered, Vasco Nuñez,assembling seventy men, ordered them to follow him,without however telling any one either his destinationor his intentions. He first rode to the village of Zemaco,some ten miles distant, where he learned that Zemaco hadfled to Dabaiba, the cacique of the marshes of Culata.His principal lieutenant (called in their language sacchos,just as their caciques are called chebi) was seized, togetherwith all his other servants, and carried into captivity.Several other natives of both sexes were likewise captured.Simultaneously Colmenares embarked sixty soldiers in thefour uru and set out up the river to look for Zemaco.The young woman's brother served as guide. Arrivingat the village of Tichiri, where the provisions for the armyhad been collected, Vasco Nuñez took possession of theplace and captured the stores of different coloured wines,as we have already noted at Comogra, and different kindsof native stores. The sacchos of Tichiri, who had actedin a manner as quartermaster of the army, was capturedtogether with four of the principal officers, for they didnot expect the arrival of the Spaniards. The sacchos washanged on a tree that he had himself planted, and shotthrough with arrows in full view of the natives, and theother officers were hanged by Colmenares on scaffolds,to serve as an example to the others. This chastisementof the conspirators so terrified the entire province thatthere was not a person left to raise a finger against thetorrent of Spanish wrath. Peace was thus established,and their caciques bending their necks beneath the yokewere not punished. The Spaniards enjoyed some daysof abundance, thanks to the well-filled storehouse theyhad captured at Tichiri.[3]

[Note 3:This pitiful story of native treachery is frequently repeated, andexplains the enslavement, the downfall, and in parts, the extermination ofthe American tribes. Everywhere they betrayed one another to the finalundoing of all.]

BOOK VI

In the general assembly convoked shortly afterwards,the colonists unanimously decided to send an envoyto Hispaniola to ask for reinforcements and for theappointment of a judge. The same envoy would go onto Spain where he would first explain to the Admiral andhis officers and afterwards to the King, all that hadhappened, and would seek to persuade his Majesty tosend the thousand soldiers the son of Comogre had declaredwould be necessary for the expedition across the mountainsto the South Sea. Vasco Nuñez sought to be chosen forthis mission, but his companions refused him their votes,and his adherents would not allow him to go; not onlybecause they would have felt themselves abandoned, butbecause they suspected that once out of it, Vasco wouldnot return to such a furnace of calamities, following theexample of Valdivia and Zamudio, whom they had sent offin the month of January, and who, they thought, had nointention of returning. In this latter they were wrong,as we shall show in the proper place, for those men weredead.

After several ballotings without result, the colonistsfinally chose a certain Juan Quevedo, a serious manof mature age, who was agent of the royal treasury inDarien. They had full confidence that Quevedo wouldconduct this business successfully, and they counted onhis return because he had brought his wife with him to thenew world and was leaving her in the colony as a pledge.As soon as Quevedo was elected, several opinions concerningan associate for him were expressed. Some peoplesaid it was risky to trust such an important affair to oneman; not that they mistrusted Quevedo, but human lifeis uncertain, particularly if one considers that peopleaccustomed to a climate near the equator would be exposedon returning northwards to frequent changes of climateand food. It was necessary, therefore, to provide anassociate for Quevedo, so that, if one died the other mightsurvive and if both escaped death, the King would placemore confidence in their dual report. Much time wasspent in debating this point, and finally they decided tochoose Roderigo Colmenares, whose name I have frequentlymentioned. He was a man of large experience; in hisyouth he had travelled by land and sea over all Europe,and he had taken part in the Italian wars against theFrench. What decided the colonists to choose Colmenareswas the fact that, if he left, they could counton his return, because he had purchased properties inDarien and had spent large sums in planting. He hopedto sell his crops as they stood, and to obtain the gold ofhis companions in exchange. He therefore left the careof his estates to a citizen of Madrid, a certain AlonzoNuñez, who was his comrade. This man was a judge, andhad almost been chosen by the colonists as an envoy inplace of his friend Colmenares; and indeed he would havebeen elected but that one of his companions explainedthat he had a wife at Madrid. It was feared, therefore,that the tears of his wife might prevent him from everreturning, so Colmenares, being free, was chosen as theassociate of Quevedo. There being no larger ship at theirdisposal, both men sailed on a brigantine, the fourth dayof the calends of November in the year of grace 1512.

During their voyage they were buffeted by manytempests, and were finally dashed upon the western coastof that large island which for a long time was thought tobe a continent, and which in my First Decade I explainedwas called Cuba. They were reduced to the most extremewant, for three months had elapsed since they left Darien.They were, therefore, forced to land to seek some assistancefrom the islanders, and by chance they approachedon that side of the island where Valdivia had also beendriven ashore by tempests. Ah! unhappy creatures!you colonists of Darien, who await the return of Valdiviato assuage your sufferings. Hardly had he landed beforehe and his companions were massacred by the Cubans,the caravel broken to pieces and left upon the shore.Upon beholding some planks of that caravel half buriedin the sand, the envoys bewailed the death of Valdiviaand his companions. They found no bodies, for thesehad either been thrown into the sea, or had served asfood for the cannibals, for these latter frequently maderaids in Cuba in order to procure human flesh. Twoislanders who had been captured, related the death ofValdivia, which had been brought about by the love ofgold. These islanders confessed that, having learnedfrom the talk of one of Valdivia's companions that he hadgold, they had plotted to assassinate him because theytoo loved gold necklaces.

Horrified by this catastrophe, and feeling themselvesunable to avenge their companions the Spaniards decidedto fly from that barbarous land and the monstrouscruelty of those savages. They therefore continuedtheir voyage, stunned by the massacre of their companionsand suffering severely from want. After leaving thesouthern coast of Cuba behind them, a thousanduntoward events still further delayed them. Theylearned that Hojeda had also landed and that he had beendriven by storms upon these coasts, where he led awretched existence. He endured a thousand annoyancesand a thousand different kinds of sufferings. After havingsuffered the loss of his companions or witnessed themgasping from hunger, he had been carried to Hispaniolaalmost alone.

He arrived there hardly alive, and died from the effectsof the wound he had received from the natives of Uraba.Enciso, the judge elect, had sailed along this same coast,but with better fortune, for he had had favourable weather.

He himself told me these things at Court, and he addedthat the natives of Cuba had received him kindly, especiallythe people of a certain cacique called El Comendador[the Commander]. When this chief was about tobe baptised by some Christians who were passing through,he asked them how the governor of the neighbouringisland of Hispaniola was called, and he was answered thathe was called El Comendador.[1] The governor of thatisland was at that period, an illustrious knight of theOrder of Calatrava, and the knights of that Order takethe title of Commander. The cacique promptly declaredthat he wished to be called El Comendador; and he itwas who had given hospitality to Enciso, when he landed,and had supplied all his wants.

[Note 1:Don Nicholas de Ovando, Comendador de Lares, and later GrandMaster of the Order of Calatrava.]

According to Enciso, now is the time, Most Holy Fatherfrom whom we receive our religion and our beliefs, topreach to the islanders. An unknown sailor,[2] who wasill, had been left by some Spaniards who were coastingthe length of Cuba, with the cacique El Comendador, andthis sailor was very kindly received by the cacique andhis people. When he recovered his health, he frequentlyserved the cacique as lieutenant in his expeditions, forthe islanders are often at war one with another; andEl Comendador was always victorious. The sailor wasan ignorant creature, but a man of good heart, who cultivateda peculiar devotion for the Blessed Virgin, Motherof God. He even carried about him, as constantly ashis clothes, a picture of the Blessed Virgin, very wellpainted on paper, and he declared to El Comendadorthat it was because of it that he was always victorious.He also persuaded the latter to abandon the zemesthe people adored, because he declared that these nocturnalgoblins were the enemies of souls, and he urged thecacique to choose for his patron the Virgin Mother ofGod, if he desired all his undertakings, both in peace andin war, to succeed. The Virgin Mother of God was neverdeaf to the invocation of her holy name by a pure heart.The sailor obtained a ready hearing from these nakedislanders. Upon the request of the cacique he gave himthe image of the Virgin, and consecrated a church and analtar to it. The zemes, whom their ancestors had worshippedwere abandoned. These zemes, Most Holy Father,are the idols made out of cotton, of which I have spokenat length in the tenth book of my First Decade. Followingthe instructions of the sailor, the cacique El Comendadorand all his people of both sexes went each day at sunsetto the chapel dedicated to the Virgin. Entering, theyknelt, and reverently bowing their heads and joiningtheir hands they saluted the image by repeated invocations,Ave Maria, Ave Maria; for there were very fewwho had learnt the whole prayer.

[Note 2:Las Casas tells an identical story concerning Alonso de Hojeda, whogave an image of the Blessed Virgin to a cacique of Cueyba. During thecampaign which ended in the conquest of Cuba, Las Casas offered to tradea Flemish statue for the one Hojeda had left there, but the cacique refused,and taking his image, he fled into the woods, lest he should be forced toexchange. The two stories, doubtless, refer to the same incident, thoughit seems strange that Peter Martyr should not have identified Hojeda asthe "unknown sailor." See Las Casas, Hist. de las Indias, tom, iv.,cap. xix.: B. Las Casas, his Life, his Apostolate, and his Writings, cap iv.]

When Enciso and his companions landed there, theIndians took them by the hands and joyfully led them tothe chapel, declaring that they were going to show themsomething wonderful. They pointed to the holy imagesurrounded, as though with a garland, by dishes full offood and drink. They offered these presents to the imagejust as they formerly did in their own religion to thezemes. They say that by such offerings they provide forthe image in case it should be hungry, for they believe thatit might suffer from hunger.

Listen now to a most curious story concerning theassistance they believe they have received from that imageof the Blessed Virgin, and by my faith, Most Holy Father,one would willingly believe it to be true. According tothe report of our men, the effect of the fervent pietywhich animates those simple souls for the Blessed VirginMother of God is such, that they almost constrain herto come down from heaven to help them whenever theyweaken in a struggle. Has not God left pity, love, andcharity amongst men, by the practice of which they maymerit His grace and that of the heavenly host? TheVirgin could never abandon those who with pure heartinvoke her aid. Now El Comendador and all his chiefsdeclared to Enciso and his companions, that when thesailor had carried the holy image with him into battlein full view of both armies, the zemes of the enemy turnedtheir heads and trembled in the presence of the image ofthe Virgin; for it is the custom for each army to carry itsown protecting zemes into battle. Not only had theybeheld the holy image but also a woman, robed in fairwhite draperies, who, in the heat of the battle, sustainedthem against their enemies. The latter also declaredthat there had appeared opposite to them a womanwith menacing face, carrying a sceptre, who encouragedthe opposing army and that this apparition made themtremble with fear.

El Comendador declared that after the sailor hadbeen taken away by some Christians who had landedat that place, he had faithfully obeyed his instructions.He further related that a heated altercation hadbroken out with his neighbours, as to which of thezemes was most powerful. The controversy led to frequentconflicts, in which the Blessed Virgin had neverfailed them, but had appeared in every battle, graspingthe victory with her small hands from the most formidableof the hostile forces. The Spaniards asked what theirwar cry was, and they replied that, in obedience to theinstructions of the sailor they only shouted, in the Spanishlanguage, "St. Mary to the rescue!" It was the onlylanguage the sailor spoke. In the midst of these cruelwars they made the following agreement; instead ofputting a fixed number of champions into the field, aswas often done by the armies of other nations of antiquity,or instead of settling their disputes by arbitration, twoyoung men of each tribe should have their hands tiedbehind their backs as tightly as he who bound themchose. They would then be led to a lofty place, and thezemes of the tribe whose champion most quickly undidhis bonds should be acclaimed as the most powerful.The agreement was made, and the young men of bothsides were thus bound. El Comendador's people tiedtheir adversary, while their enemies tied one of his men.Three different times the trial was repeated, and eachtime after invoking their zemes, the young men tried tofree themselves from their bonds. El Comendador'schampions repeated the invocation, "St. Mary, help me,St. Mary, help me!" and immediately the Virgin, robed inwhite, appeared. She drove away the demon, and touchingthe bonds of the Christian champion with the wandshe carried, not only was he at once freed, but thebonds were added to those of his opponent, so that theenemy found the young Christian not only free, but theirown champion with double bonds. They were not contentwith this first defeat, and attributed it to some human trickerywhich they did not believe demonstrated the superiorityof the divinity. They therefore asked that four men ofvenerable age and tried morality should be chosen fromeach tribe, and should stand on either side of each youngman, in order to verify whether or not there was any trickery.O what purity of soul and blessed simplicity, worthyof the golden age! El Comendador and his advisers yieldedto this condition with a confidence equal to that withwhich the sufferer from an effusion of blood sought theremedy for his malady; or Peter, whose place, Most HolyFather, you occupy, marched upon the waves when hebeheld our Lord. The conditions being accepted, theyoung men were bound and the eight judges took theirplaces. The signal was given, and each one called uponhis zemes, to come to his assistance. The two championsbeheld the zemes with a long tail and an enormous mouthfurnished with teeth and horns just like the images.This devil sought to untie the young man who wasacting as his champion, but at the first invocation ofthe Comendador the Virgin appeared. The judges,with wide open eyes and attentive minds, waited to seewhat would happen. She touched the devil with thewand she was carrying and put him to flight, afterwardscausing the bonds of her champion to transfer themselvesto the body of his adversary. This miracle struck terrorinto the Comendador's enemies, and they recognised thatthe zemes of the Virgin was more powerful than their own.

The consequence of this event was, that when the newsspread that Christians had landed in Cuba, theComendador's neighbours, who were his bitter enemies,and had often made war upon him, sent to Enciso askingfor priests to baptise them. Enciso immediately despatchedtwo priests who were with him, and in one dayone hundred and thirty men of the Comendador's enemieswere baptised and became his firm friends and allies.We have in another place noted that chickens hadgreatly increased in the country, owing to the care ofour compatriots. Each native who had received baptismpresented the priest with a cock or a hen, but not with acapon, because they have not yet learned to castrate thechickens and make capons of them. They also broughtsalted fish and cakes made of fresh flour. Six of theneophytes accompanied the priests when they returnedto the coasts, carrying these presents, which procuredthe Spaniards a splendid Easter. They had left Darienonly two days before the Sunday of St. Lazarus, andEaster overtook them when they were doubling thelast promontory of Cuba. In response to the petitionof the Comendador they left with him a Spaniard, whovolunteered for the purpose of teaching the cacique'ssubjects and their neighbours the Angelic Salutation,their idea being that the more words of the prayer to theVirgin they knew, the better disposed she would be to them.

Enciso agreed, after which he resumed his course toHispaniola, which was not far distant. From thence hebetook himself to the King, who was then in residenceat Valladolid, where I talked intimately with him. Encisoseriously influenced the King against the adventurerVasco Nuñez, and secured his condemnation. I havewished, Most Holy Father, to furnish you theseparticulars concerning the religion of the natives. Theyreach me not only from Enciso, but from a number ofother most trustworthy personages. I have done this,that Your Beatitude might be convinced of the docilityof this race, and the ease with which they might beinstructed in the ceremonies of our religion. Theirconversion is not to be accomplished from one day toanother, and it is only little by little that they will acceptthe evangelical law, of which you are the dispenser. Thusshall you see the number of the sheep composing yourflock increased each day. But let us return to the storyof the envoys from Darien.

BOOK VII

The journey from Darien to Hispaniola may be madein eight days or even less, if the wind is astern.Because of storms the envoys occupied a hundreddays in crossing. They stopped some days at Hispaniolawhere they transacted their business with the Admiraland the other officials, after which they embarked onthe merchant vessels which lay ready freighted andplied between Hispaniola and Spain. It was not, however,till the calends of May of the year after their departurefrom Darien, that they arrived at the capital.Quevedo and Colmenares, the two envoys of the colonistsof Darien, arrived there on the fifteenth of May, of theyear 1513. Coming as they did from the Antipodes,from a country hitherto unknown and inhabited by nakedpeople, they were received with honour by Juan deFonseca, to whom the direction of colonial affairs hadbeen entrusted. In recognition of his fidelity to hissovereigns, other popes have successively bestowed onhim the bishoprics of Beca, afterwards Cordova, Palencia,and Rosano; and Your Holiness has just now raised himto the bishopric of Burgos. Being the first Almonerand Counsellor of the King's household, Your Holinesshas in addition appointed him commissary general forthe royal indulgences, and the crusade against the Moors.

Quevedo and Colmenares were presented by the Bishopof Burgos to the Catholic King, and the news they broughtpleased his Majesty and all his courtiers, because of theirextreme novelty. A look at these men is enough todemonstrate the insalubrious climate and temperatureof Darien, for they are as yellow as though they sufferedfrom liver complaint, and are puffy, though they attributetheir condition to the privations they have endured. Iheard about all they had done from the captains Zamudioand Enciso; also through another bachelor of laws,called Baëcia, who had scoured those countries; also fromthe ship's captain Vincent Yañez [Pinzon], who wasfamiliar with those coasts; from Alonzo Nuñez and froma number of subalterns who had sailed along those coasts,under the command of these captains. Not one of thosewho came to Court failed to afford me the pleasure,whether verbally or in writing, of reporting to me everythinghe had learned. True it is that I have been neglectfulof many of those reports, which deserved to be kept,and have only preserved such as would, in my opinion,please the lovers of history. Amidst such a mass ofmaterial I am obliged necessarily to omit something inorder that my narrative may not be too diffuse.

Let us now relate the events provoked by the arrival ofthe envoys. Before Quevedo and Colmenares arrived, thenews had already been spread of the dramatic end of thefirst leaders, Hojeda, Nicuesa, and Juan de la Cosa, thatillustrious navigator who had received a royal commissionas pilot. It was known that the few surviving colonists atDarien were in a state of complete anarchy, taking no heedto convert the simple tribes of that region to our religionand giving no attention to acquiring information regardingthose countries. It was therefore decided to send out arepresentative who would deprive the usurpers of thepower they had seized without the King's license, andcorrect the first disorders. This mission was entrustedto Pedro Arias d'Avila, a citizen of Segovia, who wascalled in Spain by the nickname of El Galan, because ofhis prowess in the jousts. No sooner was this newspublished at the Court than the envoys from Darienattempted to deprive Pedro Arias of the command. Therewere numerous and pressing petitions to the King toaccomplish this; but the first Almoner, the Bishop ofBurgos whose business it is to stop such intrigues,promptly spoke to the King when informed of this one,in the following terms:

"Pedro Arias, O Most Catholic King, is a brave man,who has often risked his life for Your Majesty, and whowe know by long experience is well adapted to commandtroops. He signally distinguished himself in the warsagainst the Moors, where he comported himself as becamea valiant soldier and a prudent officer. In my opinion,it would be ungracious to withdraw his appointment inresponse to the representations of envious persons. Letthis good man, therefore, depart under fortunate auspices;let this devoted pupil of Your Majesty, who has livedfrom infancy in the palace, depart."

The King, acting on the advice of the Bishop of Burgos,confirmed the appointment of Pedro Arias, and even increasedthe powers conferred upon him. Twelve hundredsoldiers were raised by the Bishop of Burgos, at the royalexpense, to form the troop of Pedro Arias who, with themajority of them, left the Court at Valladolid about thecalends of October, in the year 1513, for Seville, a towncelebrated for its numerous population and its wool. Itwas at Seville that the royal agents were to equip the remainderof his soldiers and deliver to him the provisionsand everything necessary for such a great enterprise. Forit is there that the King has established his office chargedexclusively with colonial affairs. All the merchants,coming and going, appear there to render account of thecargoes they have brought from the new countries, andof the gold they export. This office is called India House.[1]

[Note 1:Domum Indicæ Contractationis vocant. Casa de Contractacion, or Casade Indias.]

Pedro Arias found two thousand young soldiers in excessof his number awaiting him at Seville; he likewise founda goodly number of avaricious old men, the majority ofwhom asked merely to be allowed to follow him at theirown cost, without receiving the royal pay. Rather thanovercrowd his ships and to spare his supplies, he refusedto take any of the latter. Care was taken that no foreignershould mingle with the Spaniards, without the King'spermission, and for this reason I am extremely astonishedthat a certain Venetian, Aloisió Cadamosto, who haswritten a history of the Portuguese, should write whenmentioning the actions of the Spaniards, "We havedone; we have seen; we have been"; when, as a matter offact, he has neither done nor seen any more than any otherVenetian. Cadamosto borrowed and plagiarised whateverhe wrote, from the first three books of my first threeDecades, that is to say, those which I addressed to theCardinals Ascanio and Arcimboldo, who were living at thetime when the events I described were happening. He evidentlythought that my works would never be given tothe public, and it may be that he came across them inthe possession of some Venetian ambassador; for the mostillustrious Senate of that Republic sent eminent men tothe Court of the Catholic Kings, to some of whom Iwillingly showed my writings. I readily consented thatcopies should be taken. Be that as it may, this excellentAloisió Cadamosto has sought to claim for himself whatwas the work of another. He has related the great deedsof the Portuguese, but whether he witnessed them, ashe pretends, or has merely profited by the labour ofanother, I am unable to state. Vivat et ipse marte suo.

Nobody, who had not been enrolled by the royal agents,as a soldier, in the King's pay was allowed to go onboard the vessels of Pedro Arias. In addition to theseregulars there were some others, including one FranciscoCotta, a compatriot of mine, and thanks to a royal orderI obtained for him, he was allowed to go to the New Worldas a volunteer with Pedro Arias. But for this he wouldnot have been permitted to depart. Now let the Venetian,Cadamosto, go on and write that he has seen everything,while I, who for twenty-six years have lived, not withoutcredit, at the Court of the Catholic King, have onlybeen able by the greatest efforts to obtain authorisationfor one foreigner to sail. Some Genoese, but very few, andthat at the instance of the Admiral, son of the first discovererof those countries, succeeded in obtaining a likeauthorisation; but to no one else was permission granted.

Pedro Arias sailed from Seville on the Guadalquivirto the sea, in the first days of the year 1514.[2] Hisdeparture took place under evil auspices, for such afurious storm broke over the fleet that two vesselswere shattered to pieces, and the others were obliged tolighten themselves by throwing overboard some of theirstores. The crews which survived returned to the coastof Spain, where the King's agents promptly came to theirassistance and they were enabled again to set forth. Thepilot of the flagship appointed by the King was GiovanniVespucci, a Florentine, nephew of Amerigo Vespucci,who had inherited his uncle's great ability in the art ofnavigation and taking reckonings. We recently learnedfrom Hispaniola that the crossing had been favourable,and a merchant ship, returning from the neighbouringislands, had encountered the fleet.

[Note 2: The expedition sailed on April 14, 1514.]

As Galeazzo Butrigario and Giovanni Accursi who,to please Your Holiness, constantly urge me on, aresending a courier who will deliver my ocean Nereids,however imperfect they may be, to Your Beatitude,I shall save time by leaving out many particulars and shallonly mention what, in my opinion, is worthy to be recordedand which I have not reported at the time it happened.

The wife of the captain Pedro Arias, by name ElizabethBobadilla, is the grandniece on the father's side of theMarchioness Bobadilla de Moia, who opened the gates ofSegovia to the friends of Isabella when the Portuguesewere invading Castile, thus enabling them to hold out andlater to take the offensive against the Portuguese; and stilllater to defeat them. King Henry, brother of QueenIsabella, had in fact taken possession of the treasures ofthat town. During her entire life, whether in time ofwar or in time of peace, the Marchioness de Moia displayedvirile resolution, and it was due to her counselsthat many great deeds were done in Castile. The wifeof Pedro Arias, being niece of this marchioness, andinspired by courage equal to that of her aunt, spoke toher husband on his departure for those unknown lands,where he would encounter real perils, both on sea and onland, in the following terms:

"My dear husband, we have been united from ouryouth, as I think, for the purpose of living together andnever being separated. Wherever destiny may leadyou, be it on the tempestuous ocean or be it among thehardships that await you on land, I should be yourcompanion. There is nothing I would more fear, norany kind of death that might threaten me, which wouldnot be more supportable than for me to live withoutyou and separated by such an immense distance. Iwould rather die and even be eaten by fish in the seaor devoured on land by cannibals, than to consumemyself in perpetual mourning and in unceasing sorrow,awaiting––not my husband––but his letters. My determinationis not sudden nor unconsidered; nor is ita woman's caprice that moves me to a well-weighedand merited decision. You must choose between twoalternatives. Either you will kill me or you will grantmy request. The children God has given us (there wereeight of them, four boys and four girls) will not stopme for one moment. We will leave them their heritageand their marriage portions, sufficient to enable them tolive in conformity with their rank, and besides these, Ihave no other preoccupation."

Upon hearing his wife speak such words from her virileheart, the husband knew that nothing could shake herresolution, and therefore, dared not refuse her request.She followed him as Ipsicratea, with flowing hair, followedMithridates, for she loved her living husband as didthe Carian Artemisia of Halicarnassia her dead Mausolus.We have learned that this Elizabeth Bobadilla broughtup, as the proverb says, on soft feathers, has braved thedangers of the ocean with as much courage as her husbandor the sailors who pass their lives at sea.

The following are some other particulars I have noted.In my First Decade I spoke, and not without some praise,of Vincent Yañez Pinzon, who had accompanied the Genoese,Christopher Columbus, the future Admiral, on his firstvoyage. Later, he undertook, by himself and at his owncost, another voyage, with but one ship for which hereceived the royal license. During the year precedingthe departure of Hojeda and Nicuesa, Vincent Yañezundertook a third exploration, sailing from Hispaniola.His course was from east to west, following the southernshore of Cuba, which, owing to its length, many peopleat that time thought a continent; and he sailed round it.Many other persons have since reported that they havedone the same.

Having demonstrated by this expedition that Cubawas indeed an island, Vincent Yañez sailed farther,and discovered other lands west of Cuba, but such as theAdmiral had first touched. He kept to the left and, followingthe continental coasts towards the east, he crossedthe gulfs of Veragua, Uraba, and Cachibacoa, touchingfinally with his ship at the region which, in our FirstDecade, we have explained was called Paria and Boca dela Sierpe. He sailed into an immense gulf noted byColumbus as remarkable for its fresh waters, the abundanceof fish, and the many islands it contained. It is situatedabout thirty miles east of Curiana. Midway in this courseCumana and Manacapana are passed; and it is at theseplaces, not at Curiana, where the most pearls are found.

The kings of that country, who are called chiaconus justas they are called caciques in Hispaniola, sent messengerswhen they learned of the Spaniards' arrival, to ascertainwho the unknown men might be, what they broughtwith them, and what they wanted. They launched uponthe sea their barques dug out of tree trunks which are thesame mentioned in our First Decade, and are called canoesin Hispaniola; but here the natives called them chicos.What most astonished them was to see the swelling sailsof the ship, for they did not understand the use of sails;and if they did they would only require small ones,because of the narrowness of their barques. They approachedthe ship in great numbers and even venturedto shoot some arrows at the men who defended the ship'ssides as though they were walls, hoping either to woundor frighten them.

The Spaniards fired their cannon, and the natives,alarmed by the detonation and by the slaughter thatresulted from the well-aimed shot, took to flight invarious directions. Pursuing them with a ship's boat,the Spaniards killed some and took many prisoners.The noise of the cannon and the report of what hadhappened so alarmed the caciques, who feared theirvillages would be robbed and their people massacredif the Spaniards landed to take vengeance, that theysent messengers to Vincent Yañez. As far as couldbe understood from their signs and gestures they soughtpeace; but our compatriots report that they did notunderstand a word of their language. The better todemonstrate their desire for peace, the natives made thembeautiful presents, consisting of a quantity of gold,equal in weight to three thousand of the kind of coinswe have said are called castellanos, and in vulgar languagepesos; also a wooden tub full of precious incense, weighingabout twenty-six hundred pounds, at eight ouncesto the pound. This showed the country was rich inincense, for the natives of Paria have no intercoursewith those of Saba; and in fact they know nothing of anyplace outside their own country. In addition to the goldand the incense, they presented peacocks such as are notfound elsewhere, for they differ largely from ours in thevariety of their colours. The hens were alive, for theykept them to propagate the species, but the cocks, whichthey brought in great numbers, were dressed to be immediatelyeaten. They likewise offered cotton stuffs,similar to tapestries, for household decoration, verytastefully made in various colours. These stuffs werefringed with golden bells such as are called in Italysonaglios and in Spain cascabeles. Of talking parrots,they gave as many of different colours as were wanted;these parrots are as common in Paria as pigeons or sparrowsare amongst us.

All the natives wear cotton clothing, the men beingcovered to the knees, and the women to the calvesof their legs. In time of war the men wear a carefullyquilted coat of cotton, doubled in the Turkish style.I have used the word cotton for what I have otherwisecalled in the vulgar Italian bombasio. I havealso used other analogous terms which certain Latinists,dwelling along the Adriatic or Ligurian coasts, mayattribute to my negligence or ignorance, when my writingsreach them,[3] as we have seen in the case of my FirstDecade which was printed without my authorisation. Iwould have them know that I am a Lombard, not aLatin; that I was born at Milan,[4] a long way distantfrom Latium, and have lived my life still farther away,for I reside in Spain. Let those purists of Venice orGenoa who accuse me of improprieties of compositionbecause I have written as one speaks in Spain of brigantinesand caravels, of admiral and adelantado, understand,once for all, that I am not ignorant that he whoholds these offices is called by the Hellenists Archithalassusand by the Latinists sometimes Navarchus and sometimesPontarchus. Despite all such similar comments, and providedI may nourish the hope of not displeasing YourHoliness, I shall confine myself to narrating these greatevents with simplicity. Leaving these things aside, let usnow return to the caciques of Paria.

[Note 3: Peter Martyr was not ignorant of the jibes his Latin evoked amongstthe purists in Rome. The cultivated tympanum of Cardinal Bemboand other Ciceronians at the Pontifical Court received painful shocksfrom certain corrupt expressions in his decades. His repeated explanationsof his deflections from classical nomenclature are, however, reasonable.]

[Note 4: Meaning, of course, in the duchy, not the city. The passage reads:Neutro cruciare statuo ad summum; voloque sciant, me insubrem esse nonLatium; et longe a Latio natum, quia Mediolani; et longissime vitamegisse, quia in Hispania.]

Vincent Yañez discovered that the chieftains wereelected for only one year. Their followers obeyed themin making war or in signing peace. Their villages arebuilt around this immense gulf. Five of these caciquesoffered gifts to the Spaniards, and I have wished to recordtheir names in memory of their hospitality: ChiaconusChianaocho, Chiaconus Fintiguanos, Chiaconus Chamailaba,Chiaconus Polomus, Chiaconus Pot.

This gulf is called Bahia de la Natividad, becauseColumbus discovered it on the Feast of Christmas;but he only sailed by, without penetrating into theinterior. The Spaniards simply call it Bahia. Havingestablished friendship with these chieftains, VincentYañez continued his voyage[5] and found to the eastcountries which had been abandoned because of frequentinundations, and a vast extent of marsh lands. Hepersisted in his undertaking until he reached the extremepoint of the continent[6]; if indeed we may call points,those corners or promontories which terminate a coast.This one seems to reach out towards the Atlas, andtherefore opposite that part of Africa called by the Portuguesethe Cape of Good Hope, a promontory in the oceanformed by the prolongation of the Atlas Mountains.The Cape of Good Hope, however, is situated withinthirty-four degrees of the antarctic pole, whereas thispoint in the New World lies within the seventh degree.I think it must be part of that continent which cosmographershave named the Great Atlantis, but withoutgiving further details as to its situation or character.

[Note 5: Comparing this account of Pinzon's voyage with that of Vespucci,it is seen that Peter Martyr describes the itinerary reversed, makingPinzon finish where Vespucci makes him begin.]

[Note 6: Cape Sant Augustin.]

And since we have now reached the shores of the first landencountered beyond the Pillars of Hercules, perhaps itmay not be out of place to say something of the motiveswhich might have provoked war between the CatholicKing, Ferdinand of Spain, and Emanuel of Portugal, hadthey not been father-in-law and son-in-law. Note that I sayPortugal and not Lusitania, contrary to the opinion ofmany persons who certainly are not ignorant, but are notless certainly, sadly mistaken. For if it be Lusitaniawhich eminent geographers locate between the Douroand the Guadiana, in what part of Lusitania does Portugallie?

BOOK VIII

During the reign of King John of Portugal, uncleand predecessor of King Emanuel, now happilyreigning, a serious divergence existed betweenthe Portuguese and the Spaniards concerning theirdiscoveries. The King of Portugal claimed that he alonepossessed navigation rights on the ocean, because thePortuguese had been the first since ancient times to putout on the great sea. The Castilians asserted thateverything existing on the earth since God created theworld is the common property of mankind, and thatit is, therefore, permissible to take possession of anycountry not already inhabited by Christians. Thediscussion on this point was very involved, and it wasfinally decided to leave it to the arbitration of the SovereignPontiff. Castile was at that time governed by the greatQueen Isabella, with whom was associated her husband,for Castile was her marriage portion. The Queen beingcousin to King John of Portugal, an agreement betweenthem was speedily reached. By mutual consent of bothparties concerned, and by virtue of a bull, the SovereignPontiff, Alexander VI., under whose pontificate this discussiontook place, traced from north to south a linelying one hundred leagues outside the parallel of theCape Verde Islands.[1] The extreme point of the continentlies on this side of that line and is called Cape SanAugustin, and by the terms of the Bull the Castilians areforbidden to land on that extremity of the continent.

[Note 1: The famous bull marking the respective spheres of discovery andcolonisation for Spain and Portugal was given on May 4, 1493. Its termswere revised by the two states whose claims were finally embodied in theconventions of Tordesillas, June 7, 1494, and Setubal, September 4, 1494.]

After collecting the gold given him by the natives of thefertile province of Chamba, Vincent Yañez returned fromCape San Augustin and directed his course towards alofty mountain chain which he saw on the southernhorizon. He had taken some prisoners in the Gulf ofParia, which, beyond contest, lies in the Spanish dominions.He conducted them to Hispaniola, where he delivered themto the young Admiral to be instructed in our language,and afterwards to serve as interpreters in the explorationof unknown countries. Pinzon betook himself to courtand petitioned the King for authorisation to assume thetitle of Governor of the island of San Juan, which isonly twenty-five leagues distant from Hispaniola. Hebased his claim upon the fact that he had been the firstto discover the existence of gold in that island, which wehave said in our First Decade was called by the IndiansBorrichena.

The governor of Borrichena, a Portuguese namedChristopher, son of Count Camigua, was massacred bythe cannibals of the neighbouring islands, together withall the Christians except the bishop and his servants;the latter only succeeded in escaping, at the cost ofabandoning the sacred vessels. In response to the King'ssolicitation, your Apostolic Holiness had just divided thiscountry into five new bishoprics. The Franciscan friar,Garcias de Padilla, was made Bishop of Santo Domingo,the capital of Hispaniola; the doctor Pedro Suarez Dezawas appointed to Concepcion, and for the island of SanJuan, the licenciate Alonzo Mauso was named; boththese latter being observants of the congregation of St.Peter. The fourth bishop was the friar Bernardo deMesa, a noble Toledan, and an orator of the DominicanOrder, who was appointed for Cuba. The fifth receivedthe holy oils from Your Holiness for the colony of Darien;he is a Franciscan, a brilliant orator, and is called JuanCabedo.

An expedition will, for the following reason, shortly setout to punish the Caribs. After the first massacre,they returned several months later from the neighbouringisland of Santa Cruz, murdered and ate a cacique who wasour ally, with all his family, afterwards completely destroyinghis town. They alleged that this cacique had violatedthe laws of hospitality in his relations with severalCaribs, who were boat-builders. These men had been leftat San Juan to build more canoes, since that island growslofty trees, better adapted for canoe building than arethose of the island of Santa Cruz. The Caribs beingstill on the island, the Spaniards who arrived fromHispaniola encountered them by accident. When theinterpreters had made known this recent crime, theSpaniards wished to exact satisfaction, but the cannibals,drawing their bows and aiming their sharpened arrowsat them, gave it to be understood with menacing glancesthat they had better keep quiet unless they wished toprovoke a disaster. Fearing the poisoned arrows andbeing likewise unprepared for fighting, our men madeamicable signs. When they asked the Caribs why theyhad destroyed the village and murdered the cacique andhis family, the latter replied that they had done so toavenge the murder of several workmen. They hadcollected the bones of the victims with the intentionof carrying them to the widows and children ofthe workmen, so that the latter might understandthat the murder of their husbands and fathers hadnot been left unavenged. They exhibited a pile ofbones to the Spaniards who, shocked by this crimebut forced to conceal their real sentiments, remainedsilent, not daring to reprove the Caribs, Similar storieswhich I suppress rather than offend the ears of YourHoliness by such abominable narratives, are daily repeated.

But we have strayed, O Most Holy Father, rather farfrom the regions of Veragua and Uraba, which are the chiefthemes of our discourse. Shall we not first treat of the immensityand the depth of the rivers of Uraba, and of theproducts of the countries washed by their waters? Shall Isay nothing about the extent of the continent from east towest, or of its breadth from north to south, nor of anythingthat is reported concerning those regions as yet unknown?Let us return, therefore, Most Holy Father, to Uraba, andbegin by stating the new names which have been givento those provinces, since they have come under theauthority of Christians.

BOOK IX

The Spaniards decided to name Veragua, Castilladel Oro, and Uraba, Nueva Andalusia. As Hispaniolahad been chosen to be the capital of allthe colonies of the islands, so likewise were the vastregions of Paria divided into two parts, Uraba andVeragua, where two colonies were established to serveas refuges and places of rest and reprovisionment for allthose who traversed those countries.

Everything the Spaniards sowed or planted in Urabagrew marvellously well. Is this not worthy, Most HolyFather, of the highest admiration? Every kind of seed,graftings, sugar-canes, and slips of trees and plants, withoutspeaking of the chickens and quadrupeds I have mentioned,were brought from Europe. O admirable fertility! Thecucumbers and other similar vegetables sown were readyfor picking in less than twenty days. Cabbages, beets,lettuces, salads, and other garden stuff were ripe withinten days; pumpkins and melons were picked twenty-eightdays after the seeds were sown. The slips and sprouts,and such of our trees as we plant out in nurseries ortrenches, as well as the graftings of trees similar to thosein Spain, bore fruit as quickly as in Hispaniola.

The inhabitants of Darien have different kinds of fruittrees, whose varied taste and good quality answer to theirneeds. I would like to describe the more remarkable ones.

The guaiana produces a lemon-like fruit similar tothose commonly called limes. Their flavour is sharp,but they are pleasant to the taste. Nut-bearing pinesare common, as are likewise various sorts of palms bearingdates larger than ours but too sour to be eaten. Thecabbage palm grows everywhere, spontaneously, and isused both for food and making brooms. There is atree called guaranana, larger than orange trees, and bearinga fruit about the size of a lemon; and there is anotherclosely resembling the chestnut. The fruit of the latteris larger than a fig, and is pleasant to the taste andwholesome. The mamei bears a fruit about the sizeof an orange which is as succulent as the best melon.The guaranala bears a smaller fruit than the foregoing,but of an aromatic scent and exquisite taste. Thehovos bears a fruit resembling in its form and flavour ourplum, though it is somewhat larger, and appears reallyto be the mirobolan, which grows so abundantly in Hispaniolathat the pigs are fed on its fruit. When it isripe it is in vain the swineherd seeks to keep his pigs,for they evade him and rush to the forest where thesetrees grow; and it is for this reason that wild swine areso numerous in Hispaniola. It is also claimed that thepork of Hispaniola has a superior taste and is more wholesomethan ours; and, indeed, nobody is ignorant of thefact that diversity of foodstuffs produces firmer and moresavoury meat./

The most invincible King Ferdinand relates that he haseaten another fruit brought from those countries. It islike a pine-nut in form and colour, covered with scales,and firmer than a melon. Its flavour excels all otherfruits.[1] This fruit, which the King prefers to all others,does not grow upon a tree but upon a plant, similar toan artichoke or an acanthus. I myself have not tasted it,for it was the only one which had arrived unspoiled,the others having rotted during the long voyage. Spaniardswho have eaten them fresh plucked where they grow,speak with the highest appreciation of their delicateflavour. There are certain roots which the natives callpotatoes and which grow spontaneously.[2] The first timeI saw them, I took them for Milanese turnips or hugemushrooms. No matter how they are cooked, whetherroasted or boiled, they are equal to any delicacy andindeed to any food. Their skin is tougher than mushroomsor turnips, and is earth-coloured, while the inside is quitewhite. The natives sow and cultivate them in gardensas they do the yucca, which I have mentioned in my FirstDecade; and they also eat them raw. When raw theytaste like green chestnuts, but are a little sweeter.

[Note 1: The pineapple.]

[Note 2: This is the first mention in literature of the potato.]

Having discoursed of trees, vegetables, and fruits, letus now come to living creatures. Besides the lions andtigers[3] and other animals which we already know,or which have been described by illustrious writers, thenative forests of these countries harbour many monsters.One animal in particular has Nature created inprodigious form. It is as large as a bull, and has a trunklike an elephant; and yet it is not an elephant. Its hideis like a bull's, and yet it is not a bull. Its hoofs resemblethose of a horse, but it is not a horse. It has ears likean elephant's, though smaller and drooping, yet they arelarger than those of any other animal.[4] There is alsoan animal which lives in the trees, feeds upon fruits,and carries its young in a pouch in the belly; no writeras far as I know has seen it, but I have already sufficientlydescribed it in the Decade which has already reachedYour Holiness before your elevation, as it was then stolenfrom me to be printed.

[Note 3: It is hardly necessary to say that there were no lions or tigers inAmerica. Jaguars, panthers, leopards, and ocelots were the mostformidable beasts of prey found in the virgin forests of the New World.]

[Note 4: This puzzling animal was the tapir.]

It now remains for me to speak of the rivers of Uraba.The Darien, which is almost too narrow for the nativecanoes, flows into the Gulf of Uraba, and on its banksstands a village built by the Spaniards. Vasco Nuñezexplored the extremity of the gulf and discovered a riverone league broad and of the extraordinary depth of twohundred cubits, which flows into the gulf by severalmouths, just as the Danube flows into the Black Sea, orthe Nile waters the land of Egypt. It is called, becauseof its size, Rio Grande. An immense number of hugecrocodiles live in the waters of this stream, which, as weknow, is the case with the Nile; particularly I, who haveascended and descended that river on my embassy tothe Sultan.[5]

[Note 5: See De Legatione Babylonica.]

I hardly know, after reading the writings of manymen remarkable for their knowledge and veracity, whatto think of the Nile. It is claimed that there arereally two Niles, which take their rise either in theMountains of the Sun or of the Moon, or in the ruggedSierras of Ethiopia. The waters of these streams,whatever be their source, modify the nature of the landthey traverse. One of the two flows to the north andempties into the Egyptian Sea: the other empties intothe southern ocean. What conclusion shall we draw?We are not puzzled by the Nile of Egypt, and the southernNile has been discovered by the Portuguese, who, in thecourse of their amazing expeditions, ventured beyond theequinoctial line into the country of the negroes, and asfar as Melinde. They affirm that it rises in the Mountainsof the Moon, and that it is another Nile, since crocodilesare seen there, and crocodiles only live in streams belongingto the basin of the Nile. The Portuguese have namedthat river Senegal. It traverses the country of thenegroes, and the country on its northern banks is admirable,while that on its southern banks is sandy and arid. Fromtime to time crocodiles are seen.

What shall we now say about this third, or in fact, thisfourth Nile? These animals, covered with scales as hard asthe tortoise-shell the Spaniards under Columbus found inthat river, and which, as we have said, caused them to namethat stream Los Lagartos, are certainly crocodiles. Shall wedeclare that these Niles rise in the Mountains of the Moon?Certainly not, Most Holy Father. Other waters thanthose of the Nile may produce crocodiles, and our recentexplorers have supplied proof of this fact, for the riversdo not flow from the Mountains of the Moon, nor canthey have the same source as the Egyptian Nile, or theNile of Negricia or of Melinde; for they flow down fromthe mountains we have mentioned, rising between thenorth and south sea, and which separate the two oceansby a very small distance.

The swamps of Darien and the lands which are coveredwith water after the inundations, are full of pheasants,peacocks of sober colours, and many other birds differentfrom ours. They are good to eat, and delight the earof the listener with various songs; but the Spaniards areindifferent bird-hunters, and are neglectful in catchingthem. Innumerable varieties of parrots, all belongingto the same species, chatter in this forest; some of themare as large as capons, while others are no bigger than asparrow. I have already enlarged sufficiently on thesubject of parrots in my First Decade. When Columbusfirst explored these immense countries he brought backa large number of every kind, and everybody was ableto inspect them. Others are still daily brought here.

There is still, Most Holy Father, a subject which isquite worthy to figure in history, but I would prefer tosee it handled by a Cicero or a Livy than by myself. Itaffords me such astonishment that I feel more embarrassedin my description than a young chicken wrappedin tow. We have said that, according to the Indians,the land separating the north from the south sea can betraversed in six days. I am not a little puzzled both bythe number and size of the rivers described, and by thesmall breadth of that stretch of land; nor do I understandhow such large rivers can possibly flow down from thesemountains, only three days' march from the sea, and emptyinto the north ocean. I cannot understand it, for Ipresume that equally large rivers empty into the southsea. Doubtless the rivers of Uraba are not so importantwhen compared with others, but the Spaniards declarethat during the lifetime of Columbus they discoveredand have since sailed upon a river the breadth of whosemouth, where it empties into the sea, is not less than onehundred miles. This river is on the borders of Paria,and descends with such force from the high mountainsthat it overwhelms the sea even at high tide or when it isswept by violent winds, driving back the waves beforethe fury and weight of its current. The waters of thesea for a large area round about are no longer salt butfresh, and pleasant to the taste. The Indians call thisriver Maragnon.[6] Other tribes give it the names Mariatambal,Camamoros, or Paricora. In addition to therivers I have before mentioned, the Darien, Rio Grande,Dobaiba, San Matteo, Veragua, Boiogatti, Lagartos, andGaira, there are also others which water the country.I wonder, Most Holy Father, what must be the size ofthese mountain caverns so near the seacoast, and, accordingto the Indians, so narrow, and what sources theyhave to enable them to send forth such torrents of water?Several explanations suggest themselves to my mind.

[Note 6: Just which river is meant is not clear. The description would seemto fit the Orinoco, but Maragnon is the native name for the Amazon. Thislast name is given exclusively to the upper part of the river in the Peruvianterritory.]

The first is the size of the mountains. It is claimedthat they are very great and this was the opinion ofColumbus, who discovered them. He had also anothertheory, asserting that the terrestrial paradise was situatedon the top of the mountains visible from Paria and Bocade la Sierpe. He ended by convincing himself that thiswas a fact. If these mountains are so immense, theymust contain extensive and gigantic reservoirs.

If such be the case, how are these reservoirs suppliedwith water? Is it true, as many people think, that allfresh waters flow from the sea into the land, where theyare forced by the terrible power of the waves into subterraneanpassages of the earth, just as we see it pourforth from those same channels to flow again into theocean?

This may well be the explanation of the phenomenon,since, if the reports of the natives be true, nowhere elsewill two seas, separated by such a small extent of land,ever be found. On the one side a vast ocean extendstowards the setting sun; on the other lies an ocean towardsthe rising sun; and the latter is just as large as the former,for it is believed that it mingles with the Indian Ocean.If this theory be true, the continent, bounded by such anextent of water, must necessarily absorb immense quantities,and after taking it up, must send it forth into thesea in the form of rivers. If we deny that the continentabsorbs the excess of water from the ocean, and admitthat all springs derive their supply from the rainfall whichfilters drop by drop into mountain reservoirs, we do so,bowing rather to the superior authority of those whohold this opinion, than because our reason grasps thistheory.

I share the view that the clouds are converted intowater, which is absorbed into the mountain caverns,for I have seen with my own eyes in Spain, rain fallingdrop by drop incessantly into caverns from whencebrooks flowed down the mountainside, watering theolive orchards, vineyards and gardens of all kinds. Themost illustrious Cardinal Ludovico of Aragon, who isso devotedly attached to you, and two Italian bishops,one of Boviano, Silvio Pandono, and the other, an Archbishopwhose own name and that of his diocese I am unableto recollect, will bear me witness. We were together atGranada when it was captured from the Moors, and todivert ourselves we used to go to some wooded hills,whence a murmuring rivulet flowed across the plain.While our most illustrious Ludovico went bird-huntingwith his bow along its banks, the two bishops and Iformed a plan to ascend the hill to discover the source ofthe brook, for we were not very far from the top of themountain. Taking up our soutanes, therefore, andfollowing the river-bed, we found a cavern incessantlysupplied by dropping water. From this cavern, thewater formed by these drops trickled into an artificialreservoir in the rocks at the bottom where the rivuletformed. Another such cave filled by the dew is in thecelebrated town of Valladolid, where we at present reside.It stands in a vineyard not farther than a stadium fromthe walls of the town and belongs to a lawyer, Villena,citizen of Valladolid, and very learned in the science oflaw. Perhaps moisture changed into rain is collectedin little caves in the rocks and sometimes formssprings, due to the infiltration of water in the hills; butI wonder how Nature can produce such quantities ofwater from these meagre infiltrations! In my opinion,two causes may be conceded: the first is the frequentrains; the second, the length in this region of the winterand autumn seasons. The countries in question are sonear to the equinoctial line that during the entire yearthere is no perceptible difference in length betweenthe days and nights; during the spring and autumn,rains are more frequent than in a severe winter or torridsummer. Another reason is: if the earth really is porous,and these pores emit vapours which form cloudscharged with water, it will necessarily follow that thiscontinent must have a greater rainfall than any othercountry in the world, because it is narrow and shut inon each side by two immense neighbouring oceans.However it may be, Most Holy Father, I am quite obligedto believe the reports of the numerous persons whohave visited the country, and I must record these particularseven though they appear for the most partcontrary to truth. For this reason I have desired toexpose my arguments, fearing that learned men, rejoicingto find occasion for attacking the writings of another,may judge me so wanting in judgment as to believeall the tales people tell me.

I have described the great estuary formed by the junctionof this immense volume of fresh water with the sea,and I believe this to be the result of the union of a numberof rivers coming together in the form of a lake, rather thana river, as is claimed. I also think the fresh water rushesdown from very high mountains, and pours into the saltwaters beneath, with such violence that the sea-watercannot penetrate unto the bay. Doubtless there willbe found people who will express astonishment at my imagination,and throw ridicule on me, saying, "Why doeshe repeat this, as though it were a miracle? Has not Italythe Po, which illustrious writers have named the kingof rivers? Are not other regions watered by great rivers,such as the Don, the Ganges, the Danube, whose watersdrive back those of the sea with such force that fresh,potable water is still found forty miles from their mouths?"I would answer their objections as follows: in the Alpinechain rising behind the Po and separating Italy fromFrance, Germany, and Austria, water never fails. Thelong valley of the Po also receives the waters of the Ticinoand many other streams flowing towards the Adriatic;and the same may be said of the other rivers mentioned.But these rivers of the new continent, as the caciquesinformed the Spaniards, flow through greater and shorterchannels into the ocean. Some people believe that thecontinent is very narrow in this part, and that it spreads;out considerably in other places. Another argument,which I hold to be a poor one, I must nevertheless mention.This continent is narrow, but its length extends for animmense distance from the east to the west. Just as isrecounted of the river Alpheus of Elide, which disappearsin channels under the sea to reappear in Sicily at thefountain of Arethusa, so there may exist in the mountainsof this continent a vast network of subterranean passagesin such wise that the waters produced by the rains wehave mentioned may be collected. Those who explainphenomena by common sense, and those who enjoy criticismmay choose the theory which best pleases them.For the moment there is nothing more I can add on thissubject. When we shall learn more, we shall faithfullyrelate it. We have already dwelt sufficiently upon thewidth of this continent, and it is now time to considerits form and length.

BOOK X

This continent extends into the sea exactly likeItaly, but is dissimilar in that it is not the shapeof a human leg. Moreover, why shall we comparea pigmy with a giant? That part of the continentbeginning at this eastern point lying towards Atlas,which the Spaniards have explored, is at least eight timeslarger than Italy; and its western coast has not yet beendiscovered. Your Holiness may wish to know uponwhat my estimate of eight times is based. From theoutset when I resolved to obey your commands and towrite a report of these events, in Latin (though myself noLatin) I have adopted precautions to avoid statinganything which was not fully investigated.

I addressed myself to the Bishop of Burgos whom Ihave already mentioned, and to whom all navigatorsreport. Seated in his room, we examined numerousreports of those expeditions, and we have likewise studiedthe terrestrial globe on which the discoveries are indicated,and also many parchments, called by the explorersnavigators' charts. One of these maps had been drawnby the Portuguese, and it is claimed that Amerigo Vespucciof Florence assisted in its composition. He is veryskilled in this art, and has himself gone many degreesbeyond the equinoctial line, sailing in the Service andat the expense of the Portuguese. According to thischart, we found the continent was larger than the caciquesof Uraba told our compatriots, when guiding them overthe mountains. Columbus, during his lifetime, begananother map while exploring these regions, and his brother,Bartholomew Columbus, Adelantado of Hispaniola, whohas also sailed along these coasts, supported this opinionby his own judgment. From thenceforth, every Spaniardwho thought he understood the science of computingmeasurements, has drawn his own map; the most valuableof these maps are those made by the famous Juan de laCosa, companion of Hojeda, who was murdered, togetherwith the ship's captain, Andre Moranes, by the nativesof Caramaira, near the port of Carthagena, as we havealready recounted. Both these men not only possessedgreat experience of these regions, where they were aswell acquainted with every bit of the coast as with therooms of their own houses, but they were likewise reputedto be experts in naval cosmography. When all thesemaps were spread out before us, and upon each a scalewas marked in the Spanish fashion, not in miles but inleagues, we set to work to measure the coasts with acompass, in the following order:

From the cape or point[1] we have mentioned as beingon this side of the Portuguese line drawn one hundredleagues west of the Cape Verde Islands, in the countriesthus far visited on both sides of that line, we measuredthree hundred leagues to the mouth of the MaragnonRiver. From the mouth of this river to Boca de la Sierpethe distance on some maps is a little less than seven hundredleagues, for all these charts do not agree, since theSpaniards sometimes reckoned by marine leagues of fourthousand paces, and sometimes by land leagues of threethousand paces. From Boca de la Sierpe to CapeCuchibacoa, near which the coast line bends to the left,we measured about three thousand leagues. From thepromontory of Cuchibacoa to the region of Caramaira,where the port of Carthagena is, the distance is about onehundred and seventy leagues. From Caramaira to theisland of La Fuerte it is fifty leagues, after which, tothe entrance of the Gulf of Uraba where the village ofSanta Maria Antigua actually stands, it is only thirty-fiveleagues. Between Darien in Uraba, and Veragua whereNicuesa would have settled, but that the gods decidedotherwise, we measured the distance to be one hundredand thirty leagues. From Veragua to the river named byColumbus, San Matteo, on whose banks Nicuesa wastedso much time and suffered such hardships after losinghis caravel, the map showed only one hundred and fortyleagues, but many of the men who have returned fromthere say the distance is really considerably greater.Many rivers are indicated just there: for example, theAburema, before which lies the island called the Scudodi Cateba––whose cacique was nicknamed Burnt Face:the Zobrabaö––the Urida, and the Doraba with rich golddeposits. Many remarkable ports are also marked onthat coast; among them Cesabaron and Hiebra, as theyare called by the natives. Adding these figures together,Most Holy Father, you will reach a total of fifteen hundredand twenty-five leagues or five thousand sevenhundred miles from the cape to the Gulf of San Matteo,which is also called the Gulf of Perdidos.

[Note 1: The most eastern cape on the Brazil coast is Cape San Rocco.]

But this is not all. A certain Asturian of Oviedo,Juan de Solis,[2] but who declares that he was born atNebrissa, the country of illustrious savants, asserts thathe sailed westward from San Matteo a distance of manyleagues. As the coast, bends towards the north, it is consequentlydifficult to give exact figures, but three hundredleagues may be approximately estimated. Fromthe foregoing you may perceive, Most Holy Father, thelength of the continent over which your authority is destinedto extend. Some day we shall doubtless clearlyunderstand its width.

[Note 2: This pilot and cosmographer has already been mentioned. In 1515he was commissioned to explore the coast south of Brazil, but, as has beenrelated, he was unfortunately killed during that expedition. To just whatvoyage Peter Martyr here refers is not quite clear.]

Let us now discourse a little concerning the varietyof polar degrees. Although this continent extends fromeast to west, it is nevertheless so crooked, with its pointbending so much to the south, that it loses sight of thepolar star, and extends seven degrees beyond the equinoctialline. This extremity of the continent is, as we havealready said, within the limits of Portuguese jurisdiction.In returning from that extremity towards Paria, thenorth star again becomes visible; the farther the countryextends towards the west, the nearer does it approachthe pole. The Spaniards made different calculations upto the time when they were established at Darien, wherethey founded their principal colony; for they abandonedVeragua, where the north star stood eight degrees abovethe horizon. Beyond Veragua the coast bends in anortherly direction, to a point opposite the Pillars ofHercules; that is, if we accept for our measures certainlands discovered by the Spaniards more than three hundredand twenty-five leagues from the northern coastof Hispaniola. Amongst these countries is an islandcalled by us Boinca, and by others Aganeo; it is celebratedfor a spring whose waters restore youth to old men.[3]Let not Your Holiness believe this to be a hasty or foolishopinion, for the story has been most seriously told to allthe court, and made such an impression that the entirepopulace, and even people superior by birth and influence,accepted it as a proven fact. If you ask me my opinionon this matter, I will answer that I do not believe anysuch power exists in creative nature, for I think that Godreserves to himself this prerogative, as well as that ofreading the hearts of men, or of granting wealth to thosewho have nothing; unless, that is to say, we are preparedto believe the Colchian fable concerning therenewal of Æson and the researches of the sibyl ofErythræa.

[Note 3: The reference is to the fabulous waters of eternal youth in quest ofwhich Juan Ponce de Leon set forth. The country is Florida.]

We have now discoursed sufficiently of the length andthe breadth of this continent, of its rugged mountainsand watercourses, as well of its different regions.

It seems to me I should not omit mention of the misfortunesthat have overtaken some of our compatriots.When I was a child, my whole being quivered and I wasstirred with pity in thinking of Virgil's Alchimenideswho, abandoned by Ulysses in the land of the Cyclops,sustained life during the period between the departureof Ulysses and the arrival of Æneas, upon berries and seeds.The Spaniards of Nicuesa's colony of Veragua wouldcertainly have esteemed berries and seeds delicious eating.Is it necessary to quote as an extraordinary fact that anass's head was bought for a high price? Why do manysuch things, similar to those endured during a siege,matter? When Nicuesa decided to abandon this sterileand desolate country of Veragua, he landed at PortoBello and on the coast which has since been namedCape Marmor, hoping to there find a more fertile soil.But such a terrible famine overtook his companions thatthey did not shrink from eating the carcasses of mangydogs they had brought with them for hunting and aswatch-dogs. These dogs were of great use to them infighting with the Indians. They even ate the dead bodiesof massacred Indians, for in that country there are nofruit-trees nor birds as in Darien, which explains why it isdestitute of inhabitants. Some of them combined to buyan emaciated, starving dog, paying its owner a number ofgolden pesos or castellanos. They skinned the dog andate him, throwing his mangy hide and head into theneighbouring bushes. On the following day a Spanishfoot-soldier finding the skin, which was already swarmingwith worms and half putrid, carried it away with him. Hecleaned off the worms and, after cooking the skin in, apot, he ate it. A number of his companions came withtheir bowls to share the soup made from that skin, eachoffering a castellano of gold for a spoonful of soup. ACastilian who caught two toads cooked them, and a manwho was ill bought them for food, paying two shirts oflinen and spun gold which were worth quite six castellanos.One day the dead body of an Indian who had been killedby the Spaniards was found on the plain, and although itwas already putrefying, they secretly cut it into bitswhich they afterwards boiled or roasted, assuaging theirhunger with that meat as though it were peacock. Duringseveral days a Spaniard, who had left camp at night andlost his way amongst the swamps, ate such vegetationas is found in marshes. He finally succeeded in rejoininghis companions, crawling along the ground and half dead.Such are the sufferings which these wretched colonistsof Veragua endured.

At the beginning there were over seven hundred,and when they joined the colonists at Darien hardly morethan forty remained. Few had perished in fighting withthe Indians; it was hunger that had exhausted and killedthem. With their blood they paved the way for those whofollow, and settle in those new countries. Compared withthese people, the Spaniards under Nicuesa's leadershipwould seem to be bidden to nuptial festivities, for theyset out by roads, which are both new and secure, towardsunexplored countries where they will find inhabitantsand harvests awaiting them. We are still ignorantwhere the captain Pedro Arias, commanding the royalfleet,[4] has landed; if I learn that it will afford YourHoliness pleasure, I shall faithfully report the continuationof events.

[Note 4: This Decade was written towards the end of the year 1514, but althoughPedro Arias had landed on June 29th, no news of his movements had yetreached Spain. The slowness and uncertainty of communication mustbe constantly borne in mind by readers.]

From the Court of the Catholic King, the eve of thenones of December, 1514, Anno Domini.

The Third Decade

BOOK I

PETER MARTYR, OF MILAN, APOSTOLIC PRONOTARY
AND ROYAL COUNSELLOR
TO
THE SOVEREIGN PONTIFF LEO X

I had closed the doors of the New World, Most HolyFather, for it seemed to me I had wandered enoughin those regions, when I received fresh letters whichconstrained me to reopen those doors and resume my pen.I have already related that after expelling the CaptainNicuesa and the judge Enciso from the colony of Darien,Vasco Nuñez, with the connivance of his companions,usurped the government. We have received letters[1]both from him and from several of his companions,written in military style, and informing us that he hadcrossed the mountain-chain dividing our ocean from thehitherto unknown south sea. No letter from Capriconcerning Sejanus was ever written in prouder language.I shall only report the events related in that correspondencewhich are worthy of mention.

[Note 1: Two of Balboa's letters are published by Navarrete (tom, iii.,) andmay also be read in a French translation made by Gaffarel and publishedin his work, Vasco Nuñez de Balboa.]

Not only is Vasco Nuñez reconciled to the CatholicKing, who was formerly vexed with him, but he nowenjoys the highest favour. For the King has loaded himand the majority of his men with privileges and honours,and has rewarded their daring exploits.[2] May YourHoliness lend an attentive ear to us and listen with serenebrow and joyful heart to our narration, for it is not afew hundreds or legions that the Spanish nation hasconquered and brought into subjection to your sacredthrone but, thanks to their various achievements andthe thousand dangers to which they expose themselves,myriads who have been subdued.

[Note 2: Balboa had been named Adelantado of the South Sea, and of thePanama and Coiba regions. Pedro Arias was also enjoined to counselwith him concerning all measures of importance.]

Vasco Nuñez ill endured inaction, for his is an ardentnature, impatient of repose, and perhaps he feared thatanother might rob him of the honour of the discovery, for itis believed that he had learned of the appointment given toPedro Arias.[3] It may well be that to these two motiveswas added fear, knowing the King was vexed with hisconduct in the past. At all events he formed the planto undertake, with a handful of men, the conquest of thecountry for whose subjection the son of the cacique ofComogra declared not less than a thousand soldiers tobe necessary. He summoned around him some veteransof Darien and the majority of those who had come fromHispaniola in the hope of finding gold, thus forming a smalltroop of a hundred and ninety men, with whom he setout on the calends of September of the past year, 1513.

[Note 3: This was the case; his friend Zamudio had notified Balboa of the appointmentof Pedro Arias.]

Desiring to accomplish as much of the journey as possibleby sea, he embarked on a brigantine and ten native barquesdug out of tree trunks, and first landed in the country ofhis ally Careca, cacique of Coiba. Leaving his ships, heimplored the divine blessing upon his undertaking andmarched directly towards the mountains. He traversedthe country subject to the cacique Poncha, who fled,as he had done on other occasions. Acting on the adviceof the guides furnished by Careca, Vasco sent messengersto Poncha, promising his friendship and protection againsthis enemies, and other advantages. The cacique, wonby these promises and amiabilities and by those of thepeople of Careca, joined the Spaniards, and with greatalacrity concluded an alliance with them. Vasco entreatedhim to have no further fears. They shook handsand embraced and exchanged numerous presents, Ponchagiving about one hundred and ten pesos of gold valued ata castellano each; this was not a large amount, but he hadbeen robbed the preceding year, as we have above related.

Not to be outdone, Vasco made him a present of someglass beads, strung in the form of necklaces and bracelets;also some mirrors, copper bells, and similar Europeantrifles. The natives cherish these things highly, forwhatever comes from abroad is everywhere most prized.Vasco pleased them still further by presenting them withsome iron hatchets for cutting down trees. There is noinstrument the natives appreciate so much, for they haveno iron, nor any other metals than gold; and they havegreat difficulty in cutting wood for the construction oftheir houses or their canoes without iron. They do alltheir carpenter work with tools of sharp stone, which theyfind in the rivers.

Thenceforth Poncha became his ally, and VascoNuñez, having no further fear of danger from behind,led his men towards the mountain. Poncha had suppliedhim with guides and bearers who went on ahead andopened the trail. They passed through inaccessibledefiles inhabited by ferocious beasts, and they climbedsteep mountains.

Communication amongst the natives is infrequent,for naked men who have no money have very few wants.Whatever trading they do is with their neighbours, andthey exchange gold for ornaments or useful articles. Itfollows, therefore, as practically no communication exists,there are no roads. Their scouts are familiar with hiddentrails, which they use to make ambuscades or nightforays or to massacre and enslave their neighbours.Thanks to Poncha's men and the labours of the bearers,Vasco scaled rugged mountains, crossed several largerivers, either by means of improvised bridges or by throwingbeams from one bank to another, and always succeededin keeping his men in health. Rather than become wearisomeand incur the reproach of prolixity, I make nomention of some of the trials and fatigues they endured,but I judge that I should not omit to report what tookplace between them and the caciques whom they encounteredon their march.

Before reaching the summit of the mountain-chain,the Spaniards traversed the province of Quarequa, ofwhich the ruler, who bears the same name, came to meetthem; as is customary in that country, he was armedwith bows and arrows, and heavy, two-handed swords ofwood. They also carry sticks with burnt points, which theythrow with great skill. Quarequa's reception was haughtyand hostile, his disposition being to oppose the advanceof such a numerous army. He asked where the Spaniardswere going and what they wanted, and in reply to theinterpreter's answer, he responded: "Let them retracetheir steps, if they do not wish to be killed to the last man."He stepped out in front of his men, dressed, as were allhis chiefs, while the rest of his people were naked. Heattacked the Spaniards who did not yield; nor was thebattle prolonged, for their musket-fire convinced thenatives that they commanded the thunder and lightning.Unable to face the arrows of our archers, they turned andfled, and the Spaniards cut off the arm of one, the leg orhip of another, and from some their heads at one stroke,like butchers cutting up beef and mutton for market.Six hundred, including the cacique, were thus slain likebrute beasts.

Vasco discovered that the village of Quarequa wasstained by the foulest vice. The king's brother and anumber of other courtiers were dressed as women, andaccording to the accounts of the neighbours shared thesame passion. Vasco ordered forty of them to be tornto pieces by dogs. The Spaniards commonly used theirdogs in fighting against these naked people, and the dogsthrew themselves upon them as though they were wildboars or timid deer. The Spaniards found these animalsas ready to share their dangers as did the people ofColophon or Castabara, who trained cohorts of dogs forwar; for the dogs were always in the lead and nevershirked a fight.

When the natives learned how severely Vasco hadtreated those shameless men, they pressed about him asthough he were Hercules, and spitting upon those whomthey suspected to be guilty of this vice, they begged himto exterminate them, for the contagion was confined to thecourtiers and had not yet spread to the people. Raisingtheir eyes and their hands to heaven, they gave it to beunderstood that God held this sin in horror, punishingit by sending lightning and thunder, and frequent inundationswhich destroyed the crops. It was like wise thecause of famine and sickness.

The natives worship no other god than the sun, who isthe master and alone worthy of honour. Nevertheless,they accepted instruction and they will rapidly adoptour religion when zealous teachers come to instruct them.Their language contains nothing rough or difficult tounderstand, and all the words of their vocabulary may betranslated and written in Latin letters, as we have alreadysaid was the case in Hispaniola. They are a warlikerace, and have always been troublesome neighbours.The country is neither rich in gold mines, nor does itpossess a fertile soil, being mountainous and arid. Becauseof its precipitous mountains the temperature is cold,and the chiefs wear clothes, but the bulk of the peopleare content to live in a state of nature. The Spaniardsfound negro slaves in this province.[4] They only live in aregion one day's march from Quarequa, and they arefierce and cruel. It is thought that negro pirates ofEthiopia established themselves after the wreck of theirships in these mountains. The natives of Quarequacarry on incessant war with these negroes. Massacreor slavery is the alternate fortune of the two peoples.

[Note 4: This mysterious fact has been asserted by too many authors to berefused credence. The author's explanation of the existence of theseAfricans in America is possibly the correct one.]

Leaving some of his companions who had fallen illfrom the incessant fatigue and hardships to which theywere not inured, at Quarequa, Vasco, led by nativeguides, marched towards the summit of the mountain-chain.[5]

[Note 5: On September 26, 1513; the men who accompanied him numberedsixty-six.]

From the village of Poncha to the spot where thesouthern ocean is visible is a six days' ordinary march,but he only covered the distance in twenty-five days,after many adventures and great privations. On theseventh day of the calends of October, a Quarequaguide showed him a peak from the summit of which thesouthern ocean is visible. Vasco looked longingly at it.He commanded a halt, and went alone to scale the peak,being the first to reach its top. Kneeling upon theground, he raised his hands to heaven and saluted thesouth sea; according to his account, he gave thanks toGod and to all the saints for having reserved this gloryfor him, an ordinary man, devoid alike of experience andauthority. Concluding his prayers in military fashion,he waved his hand to some of his companions, and showedthem the object of their desires. Kneeling again, heprayed the Heavenly Mediator, and especially the VirginMother of God, to favour his expedition and to allow himto explore the region that stretched below him. All hiscompanions, shouting for joy, did likewise. Prouderthan Hannibal showing Italy and the Alps to his soldiers,Vasco Nuñez promised great riches to his men. "Beholdthe much-desired ocean! Behold! all ye men, who haveshared such efforts, behold the country of which the sonof Comogre and other natives told us such wonders!"As a symbol of possession he built a heap of stones in theform of an altar, and that posterity might not accuse themof falsehood, they inscribed the name of the King ofCastile here and there on the tree trunks on both slopesof that summit, erecting several heaps of stones.[6]

[Note 6: In conformity with Spanish usage, a notary, Andrés Valderrabano,drew up a statement witnessing the discovery, which was signed, first byBalboa, next by the priest, Andres de Vera, and by all the others, finishingwith the notary himself.]

Finally the Spaniards arrived at the residence of acacique called Chiapes. This chief, fully armed andaccompanied by a multitude of his people, advancedmenacingly, determined not only to block their way butto prevent them crossing his frontier. Although theChristians were few they closed up their ranks and marchedtowards the enemy, discharging their guns and unleashinga pack of hounds against Chiapes. The sound of thecannon reverberated amongst the mountains, and thesmoke from the powder seemed to dart forth flames;and when the Indians smelt the sulphur which the windblew towards them, they fled in a panic, throwing themselveson the ground in terror, convinced that lightninghad struck them. While lying on the ground or wildlyscattering, the Spaniards approached them with closedranks and in good order. In the pursuit they killed someand took the greater number prisoners. It was theiroriginal intention to treat those Indians kindly and toexplore their country in an amicable manner. Vascotook possession of the house of Chiapes, and seized mostof those who had been captured while attempting toescape. He sent several of them to invite their caciqueto return; they were told to promise him peace, friendship,and kind treatment, but if he did not come, it would meanhis ruin and the destruction of his people and country.

In order to convince Chiapes of his sincerity, Vasco Nuñezsent with his messengers some of the natives of Quarequa,who were serving him as guides. These latter spoketo him in their own name and that of their cacique, andChiapes, allowing himself to be persuaded by their argumentsand the entreaties of his own subjects, confidedin the promise made to him. Leaving his hiding-place,he returned to the Spaniards, where a friendly agreementwas made, hand-clasps and mutual vows exchanged, thealliance being confirmed by reciprocal presents. Vascoreceived four hundred pesos of wrought gold from Chiapes.We have remarked that a peso was equal to rather morethan thirty ducats. The cacique received a number ofarticles of European manufacture, and the greatest mutualsatisfaction prevailed. A halt of several days was decidedupon, to await the arrival of the Spaniards who had beenleft behind.

Dismissing the people of Quarequa with some gifts,the Spaniards, under the guidance of the people of Chiapesand accompanied by the cacique himself, made the descentfrom the mountain-ridge to the shores of the much-desiredocean in four days. Great was their joy; and in thepresence of the natives they took possession, in the nameof the King of Castile, of all that sea and the countriesbordering on it.

Vasco left some of his men with Chiapes, that he mightbe freer to explore the country. He borrowed from thecacique nine of those barques dug out of single tree trunks,which the natives call culches; and accompanied by eightyof his own men and guided by Chiapes, he sailed on alarge river which led him to the territory of anothercacique called Coquera. This chief, like the others,wished at first to resist and drive out the Spaniards.His attempt was vain, and he was conquered and putto flight. Acting upon the counsel of Chiapes, Coquerareturned, for the envoys sent by the latter spoke to himthus: "These strangers are invincible. If you treatthem kindly, they are amiable, but if you resist them,they turn hard and cruel. If you become their friend,they promise assistance, protection, and peace, as you maysee from our own case and that of the neighbouringcaciques; but if you refuse their friendship, then preparefor ruin and death."

Convinced by these representations, Coquera gavethe Spaniards six hundred and fifty pesos of wroughtgold, receiving the usual presents in exchange. It wasthe same treatment that had been extended to Poncha.

After concluding peace with Coquera, Vasco returnedto the country of Chiapes. He reviewed his soldiers,took some rest, and then resolved to visit a large gulfin the neighbourhood. According to the report of thenatives, the length of this gulf, from the place where itpenetrates into the country to its most distant shores,is sixty miles. It is dotted with islands and reefs, andVasco named it San Miguel. Taking the nine barqueshe had borrowed from Chiapes, in which he had alreadycrossed the river, he embarked with eighty of his companions,all at that time in good health. Chiapes did hisbest to discourage this enterprise, counselling Vasco onno account to risk himself in the gulf at that period of theyear, as during three months it is so tempestuous thatnavigation becomes impossible. He himself had seenmany culches swept away by the raging waves. VascoNuñez, unwilling to incur delay, affirmed that God and allthe heavenly host favoured his enterprise, and that hewas labouring for God, and to propagate the Christianreligion, and to discover treasures to serve as the sinewsof war against the enemies of the Faith. After pronouncinga brilliant discourse, he persuaded his companionsto embark in the canoes of Chiapes. The latter, wishingto remove the last doubt from the mind of Vasco Nuñez,declared he was ready to accompany him anywhere,and that he would act as his guide, for he would not permitthe Spaniards to leave his territory under other escortthan his own.

Hardly had the Spaniards reached the open sea intheir canoes than they were overtaken by such a violenttempest that they knew not whither to steer, nor whereto find refuge. Trembling and frightened, they looked atone another, while Chiapes and the Indians were evenmore alarmed, for they knew the dangers of such navigationand had often witnessed wrecks. They survived theperil and, after fastening their canoes to rocks along theshore, they took refuge on a neighbouring island. Butduring the night, the tide rose and covered nearly thewhole of it. At high tide the south sea rises to such anextent that many immense rocks which rise above lowwater are then covered by the waves. In the north sea,however, according to the unanimous testimony of thosewho inhabit its banks, the tide recedes hardly a cubitfrom the shore. The inhabitants of Hispaniola and theneighbouring islands confirm this fact.

When the coast was left dry, the Spaniards returned totheir culches, but were dumfounded to find all of themdamaged and filled with sand. Though dug out of treetrunks some were broken and split open, the cables thathad held them having been snapped. To repair themthey used moss, bark, some very tough marine plants andgrasses. Looking like shipwrecked men and almost deadwith hunger (for the storm had swept away almost all theirstores), they set out to return. The natives say that at alltimes of the year the incoming and the outgoing tides fill theislands of the gulf with a frightful roaring sound; but thatthis principally happens during the three months indicatedby Chiapes, and which correspond to October, November,and December. It was just within the month of Octoberand, according to the cacique, it was under that and thetwo following moons that the tempest prevailed.

After devoting some days to rest, Vasco Nuñez crossedthe territory of another unimportant cacique and enteredthe country of a second, called Tumaco, whose authorityextended along the gulf coast. Tumaco, following theexample of his colleagues, took up arms; but his resistancewas equally vain. Conquered and put to flight,all of his subjects who resisted were massacred. Theothers were spared, for the Spaniards preferred to havepeaceful and amicable relations with those tribes.

Tumaco was wanted, and the envoys of Chiapes urgedhim to come back without fear, but neither promises northreats moved him. Having inspired him with fears forhis own life, extermination for his family, and ruin forhis town, if he held out, the cacique decided to send hisson to the Spaniards. After presenting this young manwith a robe and other similar gifts, Vasco sent him back,begging him to inform his father of the resources andbravery of the strangers.

Tumaco was touched by the kindness shown to his son,and three days later he appeared; he brought no presentat first, but in obedience to his orders, his attendantsgave six hundred and fourteen pesos of gold and twohundred and forty selected pearls and a quantity ofsmaller ones. These pearls excited the unending admirationof the Spaniards, though they are not of the finestquality, because the natives cook the shells before extractingthem, in order to do so more easily, and that the flesh ofthe oyster may be more palatable. This viand is very muchesteemed and is reserved for the caciques, who prize it morethan they do the pearls themselves; at least this is the reportof a certain Biscayan, Arbolazzo, one of Vasco Nuñez'scompanions, who was afterwards sent to our sovereignwith pearl oysters. One must believe eye-witnesses.[7]

[Note 7: Arbolazzo's mission was successful in completely appeasing King Ferdinand'svexation and obtaining from him Balboa's nomination as Adelantado,and other privileges and favours for the participators in the discoveries.]

Observing that the Spaniards attached great valueto pearls, Tumaco ordered some of his men to prepareto dive for some. They obeyed, and four days later cameback bringing four pounds of pearls. This caused theliveliest satisfaction, and everybody embraced witheffusion. Balboa was delighted with the presents hehad received, and Tumaco was satisfied to have cementedthe alliance. The mouths of the Spaniards fairlywatered with satisfaction as they talked about this greatwealth.

The cacique Chiapes, who had accompanied them andwas present during these events, was also well satisfied,chiefly because it was under his leadership the Spaniardshad undertaken such a profitable enterprise, and alsobecause he had been enabled to show his more powerfulneighbour, who perhaps was not agreeable to him,what valiant friends he possessed. He thought theSpanish alliance would be very useful to him, for allthese naked savages cherish an inveterate hatred ofeach other and are consumed with ambition.

Vasco Nuñez flattered himself that he had learnedmany secrets concerning the wealth of the country fromTumaco, but declared that he would, for the moment,keep them exclusively to himself, for they were thecacique's gift to him. According to the report of theSpaniards, Tumaco and Chiapes said there was an islandmuch larger than the others in the gulf, governed by asingle cacique. Whenever the sea was calm, this caciqueattacked their territories with an imposing fleet ofcanoes, and carried off everything he found. This islandis about twenty miles distant from the shore, and fromthe hilltops of the continent its coasts were visible. Itis said that shells as big as fans are found on its shores,from which pearls, sometimes the size of a bean or anolive, are taken. Cleopatra would have been proud toown such. Although this island is near to the shore,it extends beyond the mouth of the gulf, out into theopen sea. Vasco was glad to hear these particulars,and perceived the profit he might derive. In order toattach the two caciques more closely to his interest andto convert them into allies, he denounced the chieftainof the island, with direful threats. He pledged himselfto land there and to conquer, exterminate, and massacrethe cacique. To give effect to his words, he ordered thecanoes to be prepared, but both Chiapes and Tumacoamicably urged him to postpone this enterprise until thereturn of fair weather, as no canoe could ride the sea atthat season of the year.

This was in November when storms and hurricanes prevail.The coasts of the island are inhospitable, and amongthe channels separating different islands is heard the horribleroaring of the waves battling with one another. Therivers overflow their beds, and, rushing down the mountainslopes, tear up the rocks and huge trees, and pour into thesea with unparallelled uproar. Raging winds from the southand southwest prevailing at that season, accompanied byperpetual thunder and lightning, sweep over and destroy thehouses. Whenever the weather was clear, the nights werecold, but during the day the heat was insufferable. Noris this astonishing, for this region is near the equator, andthe pole star is no longer visible. In that country theicy temperature during the night is due to the moon andother planets, while the sun and its satellites cause theheat during the day. Such were not the opinions of theancients, who imagined that the equinoctial circle wasdevoid of inhabitants because of the perpendicular raysof the sun. Some few authors, whose theories thePortuguese have shown by experience to be correct,dissented from this view. Each year the Portuguesearrive at the antartic antipodes, and carry on commercewith those people. I say the antipodes; yet I am notignorant that there are learned men, most illustrious fortheir genius and their science, amongst whom there aresome saints who deny the existence of the antipodes.No one man can know everything. The Portuguese havegone beyond the fifty-fifth degree of the other Pole, where,in sailing about the point, they could see throughout theheavenly vault certain nebulae, similar to the Milky Way,in which rays of light shone. They say there is no notablefixed star near that Pole, similar to the one in ourhemisphere, vulgarly believed to be the Pole, and whichis called in Italy tramontane, in Spain the North Star.From the world's axis in the centre of the sign of theScales, the sun, when it sets for us rises for them, andwhen it is springtime there, it is autumn with us, andsummer there when we have winter. But enough of thisdigression, and let us resume our subject.

BOOK II

Influenced by the advice of the caciques Chiapesand Tumaco, Vasco Nuñez decided to postponehis visit to the island until spring or summer, atwhich time Chiapes offered to accompany him. Meanwhilehe understood the caciques had nets near the coastswhere they fished for pearl oysters. The caciques haveskilful divers trained from infancy to this profession,and who dive for these oysters as though in fish-ponds,but they only do so when the sea is calm and thewater low, which renders diving easier. The largerthe shells the more deeply are they embedded. Theoysters of ordinary size, like daughters of the others, lienearer the surface, while the little ones, like grandchildren,are still nearer. It is necessary to dive three and sometimeseven four times a man's height to find the moredeeply embedded shells; but to get the daughters andgrandchildren it is not required to go deeper than thewaist and sometimes even less. It sometimes happens, afterheavy storms when the sea calms down, that a multitudeof these shells, torn by the waves from their beds, aredeposited on the shore, but this sort only contains verysmall pearls. The meat of these bivalves, like that ofour oysters, is good to eat, and it is even claimed theirflavour is more delicate. I suspect that hunger, which isthe best sauce for every dish, has induced this opinionamong our compatriots.

Are pearls, as Aristotle states, the heart of the shells,or are they rather, as Pliny says, the product of theintestines and really the excrement of these animals?Do oysters pass their whole life attached to the same rock,or do they move through the sea in numbers, underthe leadership of older ones? Does one shell produceone or many pearls? Is there but one growth, or is suchgrowth ever repeated? Must one have a rake to detachthem, or are they gathered without trouble? Are pearlsin a soft or hard state when they enter the shell? Theseare problems which we have not yet solved, but I hopethat I may some day enlighten my doubts on this subject,for our compatriots possess means for studying thesequestions. As soon as I am informed of the landing ofthe captain, Pedro Arias, I shall write and ask him tomake a serious inquiry concerning these points, and tosend me the precise results he obtains. I know he willdo this, for he is my friend. Is it not really absurd tokeep silence about a subject interesting to men andwomen both in ancient times and in our own, and whichinflames everybody with such immoderate desires? Spainmay henceforth satisfy the desires of a Cleopatra or anÆsop for pearls. No one will henceforth rage againstor envy the riches of Stoïdes[1] or Ceylon, of the IndianOcean or the Red Sea. But let us come back to oursubject.

[Note 1: Pliny mentions this island, off the coast of Macedonia, as having pearl fisheries.]

Vasco determined to have that part of the sea whereChiapes obtained his pearls explored by swimmers. Althoughthe weather was bad and a storm threatened, thecacique, to please him, ordered thirty of his divers torepair to the oyster beds. Vasco set six of his companionsto watch the divers, but without leaving the shore orexposing themselves to risk from the storm. The menset out together for the shore, which was not more thanten miles from the residence of Chiapes. Although thedivers did not venture to the bottom of the ocean, becauseof the danger from the storm, nevertheless they succeededin gathering, in a few days, six loads of pearls,[2]including the shells gathered near the surface or strewnby the violence of the storm on the sands. They fedgreedily on the flesh of these animals. The pearls foundwere not larger than a lentil or a little pea, but they hada beautiful orient, for they had been taken out while theanimal was still alive. Not to be accused of exaggerationconcerning the size of these shells, the Spaniards sent theKing some remarkable specimens, from which the meathad been removed, at the same time as the pearls. Itdoes not seem possible that shells of such size should befound anywhere. These shells and the gold which hasbeen found pretty much everywhere are proof that Natureconceals vast treasures in this country, though thus farthe exploration covered, so to speak, the little finger ofa pigmy, since all that is known is the neighbourhood ofUraba. What it will be when the whole hand of the giantis known and the Spaniards shall have penetrated intoall the profound and mysterious parts of the continent,no man can say.

[Note 2: Sex attulerunt sarcinas brevi dierum numero. The word sarcinasas an expression of measure is vague.]

Happy and satisfied with these discoveries, Vasco decidedto return by another route to his companions at Darien,who were gold-mining about ten miles from their village.He dismissed Chiapes, charging him to come no fartherand to take good care of himself. They embraced oneanother, and it was with difficulty that the cacique restrainedhis tears while they shook hands at parting.Vasco left his sick there and, guided by the sailors ofChiapes, he set out with his able-bodied men. The littlecompany crossed a great river which was not fordable,and entered the territory of a chief called Taocha whowas very pleased upon learning of their arrival, for healready knew the customs of the Spaniards. He came outto meet them, receiving them with honour, and makingsalutations as a proof of his affection. He presentedVasco with twenty pounds (at eight ounces to the pound)of artistically worked gold, and two hundred selectedpearls; the latter were not, however, very brilliant.They shook hands and Taocha, accepting the gifts offeredhim, begged that the people of Chiapes should be dismissed,as he himself wished to have the pleasure ofescorting his guests.

When the Spaniards left his village he not only furnishedthem guides, but also slaves who were prisonersof war and who took the place of beasts of burdenin carrying on their shoulders provisions for the march.They had to pass through lonely forests and over steepand rocky mountains, where ferocious lions and tigersabounded. Taocha placed his favourite son in commandof the slaves, whom he loaded with salt fish and breadmade of yucca and maize; he commanded his son neverto leave the Spaniards and not to come back withoutpermission from Vasco. Led by this young man, theyentered the territory of a chief called Pacra, who was anatrocious tyrant. Whether frightened because consciousof his crimes, or whether he felt himself powerless, Pacrafled.

During this month of November the Spaniards sufferedgreatly from the heat and from the torments ofthirst, for very little water is found in that mountainousregion. They would all have perished, had not two ofthem who went to search for water, carrying the pumpkinsTaocha's people brought with them, found a little springwhich the natives had pointed out, hidden in a remotecorner of the forest. None of the latter had ventured tostray from the main body, for they were afraid of beingattacked by wild beasts. They recounted that on theseheights and in the neighbourhood of this spring, ferociousbeasts had carried off people in the night, and even fromtheir cabins. They were, therefore, careful to put boltsand all kinds of bars on their doors. It may perhaps notbe out of place, before going farther, to relate a particularinstance. It is said that last year a tiger ravaged Darien,doing as much damage as did formerly the raging boarof Calydon or the fierce Nemæan lion. During six entiremonths, not a night passed without a victim, whether amare, a colt, a dog, or a pig being taken, even in the streetof the town. The flocks and the animals might be sacrificedbut it was not safe for people to quit their houses,especially when it sought food for its whelps; for whenthey were hungry the monster attacked people it foundrather than animals. Anxiety led to the invention of ameans of avenging so much bloodshed. The path ittook when leaving its lair at night in search of prey,was carefully studied. The natives cut the road, digginga ditch which they covered over with boughs and earth.The tiger, which was a male, was incautious, and, fallinginto the ditch, remained there, stuck on the sharp pointsfixed in the bottom. Its roarings filled the neighbourhoodand the mountains echoed with piercing howls.They killed the monster stuck on the points, by throwinggreat stones from the banks of the ditch. With oneblow of its paw it broke the javelins thrown at it into athousand fragments, and even when dead and no longerbreathing, it filled all who beheld him with terror.What would have happened had it been free and unhurt!A civilian called Juan de Ledesma, a friend of Vasco,and his companion in danger, says that he ate theflesh of that tiger; he told me that it was not inferiorto beef. When one asks these people who have neverseen tigers why they affirm that this beast was a tiger,they reply that it was because it was spotted, ferocious,sly, and offered other characteristics which others haveattributed to tigers. Nevertheless the majority ofSpaniards affirm that they have seen spotted leopardsand panthers.

After the male tiger was killed, they followed its trackthrough the mountains, and discovered the cave whereit lived with its family. The female was absent; buttwo little ones, still unweaned, were lying there, and thesethe Spaniards carried away; but changing their mindsafterwards and wishing to carry them to Spain when theywere a little larger, they put carefully riveted chainsround their necks and took them back to the cave, inorder that their mother might nurse them. Some dayslater they went back and found the chains still there,but the cave was empty. It is thought the mother, in afury, tore the little ones to pieces, and took them away,in order that nobody should have them; for they couldnot possibly have got loose from their chains alive.The dead tiger's skin was stuffed with dried herbs andstraw, and sent to Hispaniola to be presented to theAdmiral and other officials, from whom the colonists ofthose two new countries obtain laws and assistance.

This story was told me by those who had suffered fromthe ravages of that tiger,[3] and had touched its skin; let usaccept what they give us.

[Note 3: As has been observed, there were no tigers in America. The animaldescribed may have been a jaguar.]

Let us now return to Pacra, from whom we have somewhatwandered. After having entered the boios (thatis to say, the house) abandoned by the cacique, Vascosought to induce him to return by means of envoyswho made known the conditions already proposed toother caciques; but for a long time Pacra refused. Vascothen tried threats, and the cacique finally decided tocome in, accompanied by three others. Vasco writesthat he was deformed, and so dirty and hideous thatnothing more abominable could be imagined. Natureconfined herself to giving him a human form, but he is abrute beast, savage and monstrous. His morals were on apar with his bearing and physiognomy. He had carriedoff the daughters of four neighbouring caciques to satisfyhis brutal passions. The neighbouring chiefs, regardingVasco as a supreme judge or a Hercules, a redresserof injuries, complained of the debaucheries and the crimesof Pacra, begging that he should be punished by death.Vasco had this filthy beast and the other three caciques,who obeyed him and shared his passions, torn to piecesby dogs of war, and the fragments of their bodies wereafterwards burnt. Astonishing things are said aboutthese dogs the Spaniards take into battle. These animalsthrow themselves with fury on the armed natives pointedout to them, as if they were timid deer or fierce boars;and it often happens that there is no need of swords orjavelins to rout the enemy. A command is given to thesedogs who form the vanguard, and the natives at the meresight of these formidable Molossians[4] and the unaccustomedsound of their baying, break their ranks and fleeas though horrified and stupefied by some unheard-ofprodigy. This does not occur in fighting against thenatives of Caramaira or the Caribs, who are braver andunderstand more about war. They shoot their poisonedarrows with the rapidity of lightning, and kill the dogsin great numbers; but the natives of these mountains donot use arrows in warfare; they only use machanes,[5]that is to say, large wooden swords, and lances with burntpoints.

[Note 4: Torvo molossorum adspectu. Referring to the dogs of Epirus, calledby the Romans, Molossi.]

[Note 5: The maquahuitle of the Mexicans; a flat wooden club, in which bladesof iztli, or flint, were set on the opposite edges; it was their most formidableweapon in hand-to-hand encounters.]

While Pacra was still alive they asked him where hispeople obtained gold, but neither by persuasion nor threatsnor tortures could they drag this secret from him. Whenasked how he had procured what he had possessed,––for hehad offered a present of thirty pounds of gold out of histreasury––he answered that those of his subjects who,either in the time of his parents or in his own, had minedthat gold in the mountain were dead, and that since hisyouth he had not troubled to look for gold. Nothing morecould be obtained from him on this subject.

The rigorous treatment of Pacra secured Vasco thefriendship of the neighbouring caciques, and when hesent for the sick, whom he had left behind to join him,a cacique, called Bononiama, whose country the routedirectly traversed, received them kindly and gave themtwenty pounds of wrought gold and an abundance ofprovisions. Nor would he leave them until he hadaccompanied them from his residence to that of Pacra,as though they had been confided to his fidelity. Hespoke thus to Vasco: "Here are your companions inarms, Most Illustrious Warrior; just as they came to me,so do I bring them to you. It would have pleased mehad they been in better health, but you and your companionsare the servants of him who strikes the guiltywith thunder and lightning, and who of his bounty,thanks to the kindly climate, gives us yucca and maize."While speaking these words he raised his eyes to Heavenand gave it to be understood that he referred to the sun."In destroying our proud and violent enemies you havegiven peace to us and to all our people. You overcomemonsters. We believe that you and your equally bravecompanions have been sent from Heaven, and under theprotection of your machanes we may henceforth live withoutfear. Our gratitude to him who brings us theseblessings and happiness shall be eternal." Such, or somethinglike this, was the speech of Bononiama, as translatedby the interpreters. Vasco thanked him for having escortedour men and received them kindly, and sent him awayloaded with precious gifts.

Vasco writes that the cacique Bononiama has disclosedto him many secrets concerning the wealth of the region,which he reserves for later, as he does not wish to speakof them in his letter. What he means by such exaggerationand reticence I do not understand. He seems to promisea great deal, and I think his promises warrant hope ofgreat riches; moreover, the Spaniards have never entereda native house without finding either cuirasses and breastornaments of gold, or necklaces and bracelets of the samemetal. If anyone wishing to collect iron should marchwith a troop of determined men through Italy or Spain,what iron articles would they find in the houses? Inone a cooking stove, in another a boiler, elsewhere atripod standing before the fire, and spits for cooking.He would everywhere find iron utensils, and could procurea large quantity of the metal. From which he wouldconclude that iron abounded in the country. Now thenatives of the New World set no more value on goldthan we do on iron ore. All these particulars, Most HolyFather, have been furnished me either by the letters ofVasco Nuñez and his companions in arms, or by verbalreport. Their search for gold mines has produced noserious result, for out of ninety men he took with him toDarien, he has never had more than seventy or at mosteighty under his immediate orders; the others havingbeen left behind in the dwellings of the caciques.

Those who succumbed most easily to sickness were themen just arrived from Hispaniola; they could not putup with such hardships, nor content their stomachs,accustomed to better food, with the native bread, wildherbs without salt, and river water that was not alwayseven wholesome. The veterans of Darien were moreinured to all these ills, and better able to resist extremehunger. Thus Vasco gaily boasts that he has kept alonger and more rigorous Lent than Your Holiness,following the decrees of your predecessors, for it haslasted uninterruptedly for four years; during which timehe and his men have lived upon the products of the earth,the fruits of trees, and even of them there was not alwaysenough. Rarely did they eat fish and still more rarelymeat, and their wretchedness reached such a point thatthey were obliged to eat sick dogs, nauseous toads, andother similar food, esteeming themselves fortunate whenthey found even such. I have already described allthese miseries. I call "veterans of Darien" the firstcomers who established themselves in this country underthe leadership of Nicuesa and Hojeda, of whom thereremains but a small number. But let this now suffice,and let us bring back Vasco and the veterans from theirexpedition across the great mountain-chain.

BOOK III

During the thirty days he stopped in Pacra'svillage, Vasco strove to conciliate the nativesand to provide for the wants of his companions.From there, guided by subjects of Taocha,he marched along the banks of the Comogra River,which gives its name both to the country and to thecacique. The mountains thereabouts are so steep androcky, that nothing suitable for human food grows,save a few wild plants and roots and fruits of trees, fitto nourish animals. Two friendly and allied caciquesinhabit this unfortunate region. Vasco hastened toleave behind a country so little favoured by man and byNature, and, pressed by hunger, he first dismissed thepeople of Taocha, and took as guides the two impoverishedcaciques, one of whom was named Cotochus and theother Ciuriza. He marched three days among wildforests, over unsealed mountains and through swamps,where muddy pitfalls gave way beneath the feet andswallowed the incautious traveller. He passed by placeswhich beneficent Nature might have created for man'swants, but there were no roads made; for communicationamongst natives is rare, their only object being to murderor to enslave one another in their warlike incursions.Otherwise each tribe keeps within its own boundaries.Upon arriving at the territory of a chief called Buchebuea,they found the place empty and silent, as the chiefand all his people had fled into the woods. Vasco sentmessengers to call him back, notifying them not to usethreats, but, on the contrary, to promise protection.Buchebuea replied that he had not fled because he fearedharsh treatment, but rather because he was ashamedand sorry he could not receive our compatriots with thehonour they deserved, and was unable even to furnishthem provisions. As a token of submission and friendshiphe willingly sent several golden vases, and asked pardon.It was thought this unfortunate cacique wished it to beunderstood that he had been robbed and cruelly treatedby some neighbouring enemy, so the Spaniards left histerritory, with mouths gaping from hunger, and thinnerthan when they entered it.

During the march, some naked people appeared onthe flank of the column. They made signs from a hilltopand Vasco ordered a halt to wait for them. Interpreterswho accompanied the Spaniards asked themwhat they wanted, to which they replied "Our cacique,Chiorisos, salutes you. He knows you are bravemen who redress wrongs and punish the wicked, andthough he only knows you by reputation he respectsand honours you. Nothing would have pleased himbetter than to have you as his guests at his residence.He would have been proud to receive such guests, butsince he has not yet had this good fortune and you havepassed him by, he sends you as a pledge of affection thesesmall pieces of gold." With courteous smiles they presentedto Vasco thirty patenas of pure gold, saying they wouldgive him still more if he would come to visit them. TheSpaniards give the name patena to those balls of metalworn on the neck, and also to the sacred utensil withwhich the chalice is covered when carried to the altar.Whether in this instance plates for the table or balls aremeant, I am absolutely ignorant; I suppose, however,that they are plates, since they weighed fourteen pounds,at eight ounces to the pound.

These natives then explained that there was in theneighbourhood a very rich cacique, who was their enemy,and who yearly attacked them. If the Spaniards wouldmake war upon him, his downfall would enrich them andwould deliver friendly natives from incessant anxiety.Nothing would be easier, they said through their interpreters,than for you to help us, and we will act as yourguides. Vasco encouraged their hopes and sent themaway satisfied. In exchange for their presents he gavethem some iron hatchets, which they prize more thanheaps of gold. For as they have no money––that sourceof all evils––they do not need gold. The owner of onesingle hatchet feels himself richer than Crassus.[1] Thesenatives believe that hatchets may serve a thousandpurposes of daily life, while gold is only sought to satisfyvain desires, without which one would be better off.Neither do they know our refinements of taste, whichdemand that sideboards shall be loaded with a varietyof gold and silver vases. These natives have neithertables, tablecloths, or napkins; the caciques may sometimesdecorate their tables with little golden vases, but theirsubjects use the right hand to eat a piece of maizebread and the left to eat a piece of grilled fish or fruit,and thus satisfy their hunger. Very rarely they eatsugar-cane. If they have to wipe their hands aftereating a certain dish, they use, instead of napkins, thesoles of their feet, or their hips, or sometimes theirtesticles. The same fashion prevails in Hispaniola.It is true that they often dive into the rivers, and thuswash the whole of their bodies.

[Note 1: Possibly a mis-copy of Crœsus.]

Loaded with gold, but suffering intensely and so hungrythey were scarcely able to travel, the Spaniards continuedtheir march and reached the territory of a chief calledPochorroso, where during thirty days they stuffed themselveswith maize bread, which is similar to Milanesebread. Pochorroso had fled, but, attracted by coaxingand presents, he returned, and gifts were exchanged.Vasco gave Pochorroso the usual acceptable articles,and the cacique gave Vasco fifteen pounds of melted goldand some slaves. When they were about to depart,it transpired that it would be necessary to cross theterritory of a chief called Tumanama, the same formerlydescribed by the son of Comogre as the most powerfuland formidable of those chiefs. Most of Comogre'sservants had been this man's slaves captured in war.As is the case everywhere, these people gauged the powerof Tumanama by their own standard, ignorant of thefact that these caciques, if brought face to face with oursoldiers commanded by a brave and fortunate leader,were no more to be feared than gnats attacking an elephant.When the Spaniards came to know Tumanama theyquickly discovered that he did not rule on both sides ofthe mountain, nor was he as rich in gold as the youngComogre pretended. Nevertheless they took the troubleto conquer him. Pochorroso, being the enemy of Tumanama,readily offered Vasco his advice.

Leaving his sick in charge of the cacique, and summoningsixty companions, all strong and brave men, Vascoexplained his purpose to them, saying: "The cacique Tumanamahas often boasted that he was the enemy of Vascoand his companions. We are obliged to cross his country,and it is my opinion we should attack him while he isnot on his guard." Vasco's companions approved thisplan, urging him to put it into execution and offering tofollow him. They decided to make two marches withoutstopping, so as to prevent Tumanama from calling togetherhis warriors; and this plan was carried out as soon asdecided.

It was the first watch of the night when the Spaniardsand the warriors of Pochorroso invaded Tumanama'stown, taking him completely by surprise, for he expectednothing. There were with him two men, hisfavourites, and eighty women, who had been carriedoff from different caciques by violence and outrage.His subjects and allied caciques were scattered in villagesof the neighbourhood, for they dwell in houses widelyseparated from one another, instead of near together.This custom is due to the frequent whirlwinds to whichthey are exposed by reason of sudden changes of temperatureand the influence of the stars which conflictwhen the days and nights are equal in duration. We havealready said that these people live near the equator.Their houses are built of wood, roofed and surroundedwith straw, or stalks of maize or the tough grass indigenousto the country. There was another house in Tumanama'svillage, and both were two hundred and twenty paceslong and fifty broad. These houses were constructed toshelter the soldiers when Tumanama made war.

The cacique was taken prisoner and with him his entireSardanapalian court. As soon as he was found, the menof Pochorroso and the neighbouring caciques overwhelmedhim with insults, for Tumanama was no lessdetested by the neighbouring caciques than that Pacrawhom we have mentioned in describing the expeditionto the south sea. Vasco concealed his real intentionstowards the prisoner, but though he adopted a menacingattitude, he really intended him no harm. "You shallpay the penalty of your crimes, tyrant," said he; "youhave often boasted before your people that if the Christianscame here you would seize them by the hair and drownthem in the neighbouring river. But it is you, miserablecreature, that shall be thrown into the river and drowned."At the same time he ordered the prisoner to be seized,but he had given his men to understand that he pardonedthe cacique.

Tumanama threw himself at the feet of Vasco andbegged pardon. He swore that he had said nothing ofthe kind, and that if anybody had, it must have been hiscaciques when they were drunk; for none of these chiefsunderstand moderation, and he accused them of usinginsolent language.

Their wines are not made from grapes, as I have alreadytold Your Holiness, when I began to cultivate this littlefield, but they are intoxicating. Tumanama complained,weeping, that his neighbours had invented these falsehoodsto destroy him, for they were jealous of him becausehe was more powerful than they. He promised in returnfor his pardon a large quantity of gold, and clasping hishands upon his breast, he said that he always both lovedand feared the Spaniards, because he had learned theirmachanes––that is to say, their swords––were sharperthan his and cut deeper wherever they struck. LookingVasco straight in the eyes, he said: "Who then, other thana fool, would venture to raise his hand against the swordof a man like you, who can split a man open from headto navel at one stroke, and does not hesitate to do it?Let not yourself be persuaded, O bravest of living men,that such speech against you has ever proceeded from mymouth." These and many other words did he speak,feeling already the rope of death around his neck. Vasco,affecting to be touched by these prayers and tears,answered with calmness that he pardoned him and gavehim his liberty. Thirty pounds (at eight ounces to thepound) of pure gold in the form of women's necklaceswere at once brought from the two houses, and threedays later the caciques subject to Tumanama sent sixtypounds more of gold, which was the amount of the fineimposed for their temerity. When asked whence he procuredthis gold, Tumanama replied that it came from verydistant mines. He gave it to be understood that it hadbeen presented to his ancestors on the Comogra Riverwhich flows into the south sea; but the people of Pochorrosoand his enemies said that he lied, and that his ownterritory produced plenty of gold. Tumanama persisted,however, that he knew of no gold mines in his domain.He added that it was true enough that here and there somesmall grains of gold had been found, but nobody hadeven troubled to pick them up, since to do so wouldrequire tedious labour.

During this discussion Vasco was joined on the eighthday of the calends of January and the last day of theyear 1513, by the men he had left behind with Pochorroso.The slaves whom the southern caciques had lent them,carried their gold-mining tools.

The day of the Nativity of Our Lord was given to rest,but the following day, the Feast of the ProtomartyrSt. Stephen, Vasco led some miners to a hill nearTumanama's residence because he thought from thecolour of the earth that it contained gold. A hole apalm and a half in size was made, and from the earthsifted a few grains of gold, not larger than a lentil,were obtained.

Vasco had this fact recorded by a notary and witnesses,in order to establish the authenticity of this discovery,as he called it, of a toman of gold. In the language ofbankers, a toman contains twelve grains. Vasco consequentlydeduced, as the neighbouring caciques alleged,that the country was rich, but he could never prevailupon Tumanama to admit it. Some said that Tumanamawas indifferent to such unimportant fragments of gold,others claimed that he persisted in denying the wealthof his country for fear the Spaniards, to satisfy theirdesire for gold, might take possession of the whole of it.The cacique saw only too well into the future; for theSpaniards have decided, if the King consents, to establishnew towns in his country and that of Pochorroso; thesetowns will serve as refuges and storehouses for travellersgoing to the South Sea, and moreover both countriesare favourable for growing all kinds of fruits and crops.

Vasco decided to leave this country, and to blazefor himself, a new trail through a land of which the earthtints and the shells seemed to him to indicate the presenceof gold. He ordered a little digging below the surfaceof the earth to be done, and found a peso, weighing alittle more than a grain. I have already said in myFirst Decade, addressed to Your Holiness, that a pesowas worth a castellano of gold. Enchanted with thisresult, he overwhelmed Tumanama with nattering promisesto prevent the cacique from interfering with any ofthe Spaniards' allies in that neighbourhood. He also besoughthim to collect a quantity of gold. It is allegedthat he had carried off all the cacique's women, and hadpractically stripped him to check his insolence. Tumanamaalso confided his son to Vasco in order that theboy might learn our language in living with the Spaniards,and become acquainted with our habits and be convertedto our religion. It may be that the boy's educationmay some day be of use to his father, and secure himour favour.

The immense fatigues, the long watches, and the privationsVasco had endured ended by provoking a violentfever, so that on leaving this country he had to be carriedon the shoulders of slaves. All the others who wereseriously ill, were likewise carried in hammocks, that isto say, in cotton nets. Others, who still had some strength,despite their weak legs, were supported under the armpitsand carried by the natives. They finally arrived in thecountry of our friend Comogre, of whom I have lengthilyspoken above. The old man was dead and had beensucceeded by that son whose wisdom we have praised.This young man had been baptised, and was calledCarlos. The palace of this Comogre stands at the footof a cultivated hill, rising in a fertile plain that tendsfor a breadth of twelve leagues towards the south. Thisplain is called by the natives savana. Beyond the limitsof the plain rise the very lofty mountains that serve asa divide between the two oceans. Upon their slopesrises the Comogre River which, after watering this plain,runs through a mountainous country, gathering to itselftributaries from all the valleys and finally emptying intothe South Sea. It is distant about seventy leagues tothe west of Darien.

Uttering cries of joy, Carlos hastened to meet theSpaniards, refreshing them with food and agreeabledrinks, and lavishing generous hospitality upon them.Presents were exchanged, the cacique giving Vasco twentypounds of worked gold, at eight ounces to the pound, andVasco satisfying him with equally acceptable presents,such as hatchets, and some carpenters' tools. Helikewise gave Carlos a robe and one of his own shirts,because of the extremity to which he was reduced.These gifts elevated Carlos to the rank of a heroamong his neighbours. Vasco finally left Comogra andall its people after admonishing them that, if theywished to live in peace, they must never rebel against therule of the Spanish King. He also urged them to usetheir best endeavours to collect gold for the Tiba, that isto say, the King. He added that in this way they wouldsecure for themselves and their descendants protectionagainst the attacks of their enemies, and would receivean abundance of our merchandise.

When everything had been satisfactorily arranged,Vasco continued his march towards the country ofPoncha, where he met four young men sent fromDarien to inform him that well-laden ships had justarrived from Hispaniola; he had promised that, inreturning from the South Sea, he would marchby some way through that country. Taking withhim twenty of his strongest companions he startedby forced marches for Darien, leaving behind theothers who were to join him. Vasco has written thathe reached Darien the fourteenth day of the calends ofFebruary in the year 1514, but his letter[2] is datedDarien, the fourth day of the nones of March, as he wasunable to send it sooner no ship being ready to sail. Hesays that he has sent two ships to pick up the people heleft behind, and he boasts of having won a number ofbattles without receiving a wound or losing one of hismen in action.

[Note 2: Unfortunately neither this letter or any copy of it is known to exist.]

There is hardly a page of this long letter whichis not inscribed with some act of thanksgiving forthe great dangers and many hardships he escaped. Henever undertook anything or started on his march withoutfirst invoking the heavenly powers, and principally theVirgin Mother of God. Our Vasco Balboa is seen to havechanged from a ferocious Goliath into an Elias. Hewas an Antæus; he has been transformed into Herculesthe conqueror of monsters. From being foolhardy,he has become obedient and entirely worthy of royalhonours and favour. Such are the events made knownto us by letters from him and the colonists of Darien,and by verbal reports of people who have returned fromthose regions.

Perhaps you may desire, Most Holy Father, to knowwhat my sentiments are respecting these events. Myopinion is a simple one. It is evident from the militarystyle in which Vasco and his men report their deeds thattheir statements must be true. Spain need no longerplough up the ground to the depth of the infernal regionsor open great roads or pierce mountains at the cost oflabour and the risk of a thousand dangers, in order todraw wealth from the earth. She will find riches on thesurface, in shallow diggings; she will find them in thesun-dried banks of rivers; it will suffice to merely siftthe earth. Pearls will be gathered with little effort. Cosmographersunanimously recognise that venerable antiquityreceived no such benefit from nature, because neverbefore did man, starting from the known world, penetrateto those unknown regions. It is true the natives arecontented with a little or nothing, and are not hospitable;moreover, we have more than sufficiently demonstratedthat they receive ungraciously strangers who comeamongst them, and only consent to negotiate with them,after they have been conquered. Most ferocious arethose new anthropophagi, who live on human flesh,Caribs or cannibals as they are called. These cunningman-hunters think of nothing else than this occupation,and all the time not given to cultivating the fields theyemploy in wars and man-hunts. Licking their lipsin anticipation of their desired prey, these men lie inwait for our compatriots, as the latter would for wildboar or deer they sought to trap. If they feel themselvesunequal to a battle, they retreat and disappear with thespeed of the wind. If an encounter takes place on thewater, men and women swim with as great a facility asthough they lived in that element and found their sustenanceunder the waves.

It is not therefore astonishing that these immensetracts of country should be abandoned and unknown,but the Christian religion, of which you are the head,will embrace its vast extent. As I have said in thebeginning, Your Holiness will call to yourself these myriadsof people, as the hen gathers her chickens underher wings. Let us now return to Veragua, the placediscovered by Columbus, explored under the auspicesof Diego Nicuesa, and now abandoned; and may all theother barbarous and savage provinces of this vast continentbe brought little by little into the pale of Christiancivilisation and the knowledge of the true religion.

BOOK IV

I had resolved, Most Holy Father, to stop here but Iam consumed, as it were, with an internal fire whichconstrains me to continue my report. As I havealready said, Veragua was discovered by Columbus.I should feel that I had robbed him or committed aninexpiable crime against him were I to pass over the illshe endured, the vexations and dangers to which he wasexposed during these voyages. It was in the year ofsalvation 1502 on the sixth day of the ides of May thatColumbus sailed from Cadiz with a squadron of fourvessels of from fifty to sixty tons burthen, manned by onehundred and seventy men.[1] Five days of favourableweather brought him to the Canaries; seventeen days'sailing brought him to the island of Domingo, the homeof the Caribs, and from thence he reached Hispaniola infive days more, so that the entire crossing from Spain toHispaniola occupied twenty-six days, thanks to favourablewinds and currents, which set from the east towards thewest. According to the mariners' report the distance istwelve hundred leagues.

[Note 1: This was the fourth voyage of Columbus.]

He stopped in Hispaniola for some time, either of hisown accord or with the Viceroy's[2] assent. Pushingstraight to the west, he left the islands of Cuba and Jamaicatowards his right on the north, and discovered to the southof Jamaica an island called by its inhabitants Guanassa.[3]This island is incredibly fertile and luxuriant. While coastingalong its shores, the Admiral met two of those barquesdug out of tree trunks of which I have spoken. They weredrawn by naked slaves with ropes round their necks.The chieftain of the island, who, together with his wifeand children, were all naked, travelled in these barques.When the Spaniards went on shore the slaves, in obedienceto their master's orders, made them understand byhaughty gestures that they would have to obey the chief,and when they refused, menaces and threats were employed.Their simplicity is such that they felt neither fear noradmiration on beholding our ships and the number andstrength of our men. They seemed to think the Spaniardswould feel the same respect towards their chief as theydid. Our people perceived that they had to do withmerchants returning from another country, for they holdmarkets. The merchandise consisted of bells, razors,knives, and hatchets made of a yellow and translucentstone; they are fastened in handles of hard and polishedwood. There were also household utensils for the kitchen,and pottery of artistic shapes, some made of wood andsome made of that same clear stone; and chiefly draperiesand different articles of spun cotton in brilliant colours.The Spaniards captured the chief, his family and everythinghe possessed; but the Admiral soon afterwardsordered him to be set at liberty and the greater partof their property restored, hoping thus to win theirfriendship.

[Note 2: This direct violation of his orders was due to his wish to trade one ofhis vessels, which was a slow sailer, for a quicker craft.]

[Note 3: Guanaya or Bouacia, lying off the coast of Honduras.]

Having procured some information concerning thecountry towards the west, Columbus proceeded in thatdirection and, a little more than ten miles farther, hediscovered a vast country which the natives call Quiriquetana,but which he called Ciamba. There he causedthe Holy Sacrifice to be celebrated upon the shore.The natives were numerous and wore no clothing. Gentleand simple, they approached our people fearlessly andadmiringly, bringing them their own bread and freshwater. After presenting their gifts they turned upontheir heels bowing their heads respectfully. In exchangefor their presents, the Admiral gave them some Europeangifts, such as strings of beads, mirrors, needles, pins, andother objects unknown to them.

This vast region is divided into two parts, one called Taïaand the other called Maïa.[4] The whole country is fertile,well shaded, and enjoys delightful temperature. In fertilityof soil it yields to none, and the climate is temperate. Itpossesses both mountains and extensive plains, and everywheregrass and trees grow. Spring and autumn seem perpetual,for the trees keep their leaves during the wholeyear, and bear fruit. Groves of oak and pine are numerous,and there are seven varieties of palms of which somebear dates, while others are without fruit. Vines loadedwith ripe grapes grow spontaneously amid the trees,but they are wild vines and there is such an abundanceof useful and appetising fruits that nobody bothers tocultivate vineyards. The natives manufacture theirmachanes, that is to say swords, and the darts they throw,out of a certain kind of palm-wood. Much cotton isfound in this country as well as mirobolanes, of variouskinds, such as doctors call emblicos[5] and chebules; maize,yucca, ages, and potatoes, all grow in this country as theydo everywhere on the continent. The animals are lions,tigers, stags, deer, and other similar beasts. The nativesfatten those birds we have mentioned, as resembling peahensin colour, size, and taste.

[Note 4:This is the first mention of the word Maya. The traders whomColumbus met were doubtless Mayas, coming from some of the greatfairs or markets. For the second time, he brushed past the civilisationof Yucatan and Mexico, leaving to later comers the glory of their discovery.]

[Note 5:Myrobolanos etiam diversarum specierum, emblicos puta et chebulosmedicorum appellatione.]

The natives of both sexes are said to be tall and well proportioned.They wear waist-cloths and bandolets of spuncotton in divers colours, and they ornament themselves bystaining their bodies with black and red colours, extractedfrom the juice of certain fruits cultivated for that purposein their gardens, just as did the Agathyrsi. Some of themstain the entire body, others only a part. Ordinarily theydraw upon their skin designs of flowers, roses, and intertwinednets, according to each one's fancy. Their languagebears no resemblance to that of the neighbouring islanders.Torrential streams run in a westerly direction. Columbusresolved to explore this country towards the west, forhe remembered Paria, Boca de la Sierpe, and othercountries already discovered to the east, believing theymust be joined to the land where he was; and in this hewas not deceived.

On the thirteenth day of the calends of September theAdmiral left Quiriquetana. After sailing thirty leagues, hecame to a river, in the estuary of which he took fresh water.The coast was clear of rocks and reefs, and everywhere therewas good anchorage. He writes, however, that the oceancurrent was so strong against him that in forty days' sailingit was with the greatest difficulty he covered seventyleagues, and then only by tacking. From time to time,when he sought towards nightfall to forestall the dangerof being wrecked in the darkness on that unknown coast,and tried to draw near to land, he was beaten back.He reports that within a distance of eight leagues hediscovered three rivers of clear water, upon whose banksgrew canes as thick round as a man's leg. The watersof these streams are full of fish and immense turtles,and everywhere were to be seen multitudes of crocodiles,drinking in the sun with huge yawning mouths. Therewere plenty of other animals of which the Admiral doesnot give the names. The aspect of this country presentsgreat variety, being in some places rocky and broken upinto sharp promontories and jagged rocks, while in othersthe fertility of the soil is unexcelled by that of any knownland. From one shore to another the names of the chiefsand principal inhabitants differ; in one place they arecalled caciques, as we have already said; in anotherquebi, farther on tiba. The principal natives are sometimescalled sacchus and sometimes jura. A man who hasdistinguished himself in conflict with an enemy and whoseface is scarred, is regarded as a hero and is called cupra,The people are called chyvis, and a man is home. Whenthey wish to say, "That's for you, my man," the phraseis, "Hoppa home."

Another great river navigable for large ships wasdiscovered, in the mouth of which lie four small islands,thickly grown with flowers and trees. Columbus calledthem Quatro Tempore. Thirteen leagues farther on,always sailing eastwards against adverse currents, hediscovered twelve small islands; and as these produceda kind of fruit resembling our limes, he called themLimonares. Twelve leagues farther, always in the samedirection, he discovered a large harbour extending threeleagues into the interior of the country, and into whichflows an important river. It was at this spot thatNicuesa was afterwards lost when searching for Veragua,as we have already related; and for this reason later explorershave named it Rio de los Perdidos. Continuinghis course against the ocean current, the Admiral discovereda number of mountains, valleys, rivers, andharbours; the atmosphere was laden with balmy odours.

Columbus writes that not one of his men fell ill till hereached a place the natives call Quicuri,[6] which is apoint or cape where the port of Cariai lies. The Admiralcalled it Mirobolan because trees of that name grewthere spontaneously. At the port of Cariai about twohundred natives appeared, each armed with three orfour spears; but mild-mannered and hospitable. As theydid not know to what strange race the Spaniards belonged,they prepared to receive them and asked for a parley.Amicable signs were exchanged and they swam outto our people, proposing to trade and enter into commercialrelations. In order to gain their confidence,the Admiral ordered some European articles to be distributedgratuitously amongst them. These they refusedto accept, by signs, for nothing they said was intelligible.They suspected the Spaniards of setting a trap for themin offering these presents, and refused to accept their gifts.They left everything that was given them on the shore.[7]Such are the courtesy and generosity of these people ofCariai, that they would rather give than receive.

[Note 6: Quiribiri. Columbus arrived there on September 25th.]

[Note 7: Suspicion and mistrust were mutual, for Columbus thoughtthe natives were practising magic when they cast perfumes before them,as they cautiously advanced towards him; he afterwards described themas powerful magicians.]

They sent two young girls, virgins of remarkablebeauty, to our men, and gave it to be understood thatthey might take them away. These young girls, like allthe other women, wore waist-cloths made of bandeletsof cotton, which is the costume of the women of Cariai.The men on the contrary go naked. The women cuttheir hair, or let it grow behind and shave the forehead;then they gather it up in bands of white stuff and twist itround the head, just as do our girls. The Admiral hadthem clothed and gave them presents, and a bonnet of redwool stuff for their father; after which he sent them away.Later all these things were found upon the shore, becausehe had refused their presents. Two men, however, leftvoluntarily with Columbus, in order to learn our languageand to teach it to their own people.

The tides are not very perceptible on that coast.This was discovered by observing the trees growing not farfrom the shore and on the river banks. Everybody whohas visited these regions agrees on this point. The ebband flow are scarcely perceptible, and only affect a partof the shores of the continent, and likewise of all theislands. Columbus relates that trees grow in the seawithin sight of land, drooping their branches towardsthe water once they have grown above the surface.Sprouts, like graftings of vines, take root and planted inthe earth they, in their turn, become trees of the sameevergreen species. Pliny has spoken of such trees inthe second book of his natural history, but those hementions grew in an arid soil and not in the sea.

The same animals we have above described exist in Cariai.There is, however, one of a totally different kind, whichresembles a large monkey, but is provided with a muchlarger and stronger tail. Hanging by this tail, it swingsto and fro three or four times, and then jumps from treeto tree as though it were flying.[8] One of our archersshot one with his arrow, and the wounded monkeydropped onto the ground and fiercely attacked the manwho had wounded it. The latter defended himself withhis sword and cut off the monkey's arm, and despiteits desperate efforts, captured it. When brought incontact with men, on board the ship, it gradually becametame. While it was kept chained, other huntersbrought from the swamps a wild boar which they hadpursued through the forests, desiring to eat some freshmeat. The men showed this enraged wild boar to themonkey, and both animals bristled with fury. Themonkey, beside itself with rage, sprang upon the boar,winding its tail about him, and with the one arm itsconqueror had left him, seized the boar by the throatand strangled it. Such are the ferocious animals andothers similar, which inhabit this country. The nativesof Cariai preserve the bodies of their chiefs and theirrelatives, drying them upon hurdles and then packingthem in leaves; but the common people bury their deadin the forest.

[Note 8: Possibly the simia seniculus.]

Leaving Cariai and sailing a distance of twenty leaguesthe Spaniards discovered a gulf of such size that theythought that it must have a circumference of twelveleagues. Four small fertile islands, separated from oneanother by narrow straits, lie across the opening of thisgulf, making it a safe harbour.

We have elsewhere called the port, situated at theextreme point, by its native name of Cerabaroa; but it isonly the right coast upon entering the gulf bears that name,the left coast being called Aburema. Numerous andfertile islands dot the gulf, and the bottom affords excelentanchorage. The clearness of the water makes iteasily discernible, and fish are very abundant. Thecountry round about is equal in fertility to the very best.The Spaniards captured two natives who wore goldnecklaces, which they called guanines. These collarsare delicately wrought in the form of eagles, lions, or othersimilar animals, but it was observed that the metal wasnot very pure. The two natives, brought from Cariai,explained that both the regions of Cerabaroa and Aburemawere rich in gold, and that all the gold their countrymenrequired for ornaments was obtained from thence bytrading. They added that, in six villages of Cerabaroa,situated a short distance in the interior of the country,gold was found; for from the earliest times they hadtraded with those tribes. The names of those five villagesare Chirara, Puren, Chitaza, Jurech, and Atamea.

All the men of the province of Cerabaroa go entirelynaked, but they paint their bodies in different ways, andthey love to wear garlands of flowers on their heads, andbands made from the claws of lions and tigers. Thewomen wear narrow waist-cloths of cotton.

Leaving this harbour and following along the samecoast, a distance of eighteen leagues, the Spaniards cameupon a band of three hundred naked men, upon the bankof the river they had just discovered. These men utteredthreatening shouts and, filling their mouths with waterand the herbs of the coast, spat at them. Throwing theirjavelins, brandishing their lances and machanes, which wehave already said were wooden swords, they strove torepel our men from the coast. They were painted indifferent fashions; some of them painted the whole bodyexcept the face, others only a part. They gave it to beunderstood that they wished neither peace nor tradingrelations with the Spaniards. The Admiral orderedseveral cannon-shots to be fired, but so as to kill nobody,for he always showed himself disposed to use peaceablemeasures with these new people. Frightened by thenoise, the natives fell on the ground imploring peace,and in this wise trading relations were established. Inexchange for their gold and guanines they received glassbeads and other similar trifles. These natives have drumsand sea-shell trumpets, which they use to excite theircourage when going into battle.

The following rivers are found along this part of thecoast: the Acateba, the Quareba, the Zobroba, theAiaguitin, the Wrida, the Duribba, and the Veragua.Gold is found everywhere. Instead of cloaks, the nativeswear large leaves on their heads as a protection againstthe heat or the rain.

The Admiral afterwards coasted along the shores ofEbetere and Embigar. Two rivers, Zahoran and Cubigar,remarkable for their volume and the quantity of fishthey contain, water these coasts.

Beyond a distance of fifty leagues, gold is no longerfound. Only three leagues away stands a rock which, aswe have already stated in our description of Nicuesa'sunfortunate voyage, the Spaniards called Penon andwhich the natives call Vibba.

In the same neighbourhood and about two leaguesdistant is the bay Columbus discovered and namedPorto Bello. The country, which has gold and is calledby the natives Xaguaguara is very populous but theinhabitants are naked. The cacique of Xaguaguarapaints himself black, and his subjects are painted red.The cacique and seven of his principal followers woreleaves of gold in their noses, hanging down to their lips,and in their opinion no more beautiful ornament exists.The men cover their sexual organs with a sea-shell, andthe women wear a band of cotton stuff.

There is a fruit growing in their gardens which resemblesa pine-nut;[9]we have elsewhere said that it grows upona plant, resembling an artichoke, and that the fruit,which is not unworthy of a king's table, is perishable;I have spoken elsewhere at length concerning these.The natives call the plant bearing this fruit hibuero.From time to time crocodiles are found which, when theydive or scramble away, leave behind them an odour moredelicate than musk or castor. The natives who live alongthe banks of the Nile relate the same fact concerningthe female of the crocodile, whose belly exhales theperfumes of Araby.

[Note 9: The pineapple.]

From this point the Admiral put his fleet about, andreturned over his course, for he could no longer battleagainst the contrary currents.[10] Moreover, his shipswere rotting from day to day, their hulks being eaten intoby the sharp points of worms engendered by the sun fromthe waters of these regions situated near the equator.The Venetians call these worms bissa, and quantities ofthem come into life in both the ports of Alexandria, inEgypt. These worms, which are a cubit long and sometimesmore, and never thicker than your little finger,undermine the solidity of ships which lie too long atanchor. The Spanish sailors call this pest broma. Itwas therefore because he feared the bromas and was weariedout with struggling against the currents that the Admiralallowed his ships to be carried by the ocean towards thewest. Two leagues distant from Veragua he sailed upthe river Hiebra, since it was navigable for the largestvessels. Though it is less important, yet the Veraguagives its name to the country, since the ruler of that region,which is watered by both rivers, has his residence onthe bank of the Veragua.

[Note 10: Columbus describes the storms which prevailed during that entiremonth of December as the most formidable he had ever experienced;on the thirteenth his vessels had the narrowest possible escape from awaterspout.]

Let us now relate the good and ill fortune they thereencountered. Columbus established himself on the banksof the Hiebra, sending his brother Bartholomew Columbus,Adelantado of Hispaniola, in command of sixty-eight menin ships' boats to Veragua. The cacique of the countrycame down the river with a fleet of canoes to meet theAdelantado. This man was naked and unarmed, andwas accompanied by a numerous following. Hardlyhad a few words been exchanged when the followers ofthe cacique, fearing that he might weary himself or forgethis royal dignity by standing while he talked, carried astone from the neighbouring bank, and after washingand polishing it with care, respectfully tendered it to theirchief to serve as a chair. When seated, the caciqueseemed to convey by signs to the Spaniards that hepermitted them to sail on the rivers of his territory.

The sixth of the ides of February the Adelantadomarched along the banks of the river Veragua, leavinghis boats behind. He came to the Duraba, a streamricher in gold than the Hiebra or the Veragua; moreover,in all these regions gold is found amongst the roots of thetrees, along the banks and amongst the rocks and stonesleft by the torrents. Wherever they dug a palm deep,gold was found mingled with the earth turned out.This decided the attempt to found a colony, but thenatives opposed this project, for they foresaw their ownprompt destruction. They armed themselves, and,uttering horrible cries, they attacked our men who wereengaged in building cabins. This first attack was, withdifficulty, repelled. The natives threw darts from adistance and then, gradually drawing nearer, they usedtheir wooden swords and machanes, in a furious assault.So greatly enraged were they that, astonishing as it mayseem, they were not frightened either by bows, arquebuses,or the noise of the cannon fired from the ships. Oncethey drew off, but soon returned to the charge in greaternumbers and more furiously than before. They preferredto die rather than see their land occupied by the Spaniardswhom they were perfectly willing to receive as guests,but whom they rejected as inhabitants. The more theSpaniards defended themselves, the more did the multitudeof their assailants increase, directing their attacksometimes on the front, sometimes on the flank, withoutcessation both day and night. Fortunately the fleetat anchorage assured the Spaniards a secure retreatand, deciding to abandon the attempt to colonise there,they returned on board.

Their return to Jamaica, which is the island lying southand near to Cuba and Hispaniola was accomplished withgreat difficulty, for their ships had been so eaten by bromas,––touse a Spanish word––that they were like sieves and almostwent to pieces during the voyage. The men savedthemselves by working incessantly, bailing out the waterthat rushed in through great fissures in the ship's side andfinally, exhausted by fatigue, they succeeded in reaching Jamaica.Their ships sank; and leaving them there stranded,they passed six months in the power of the barbarians, amore wretched existence than that of Alcimenides as describedby Virgil. They were forced to live on what theearth produced or what it pleased the natives to give them.The mortal enmities existing amongst the savage caciqueswere of some service to the Spaniards; for to secure theiralliance the caciques distributed bread to the starvingwhenever they were about to undertake a campaign.O how sad and wretched it is, Most Holy Father, to eatthe bread of charity! Your Holiness may well understand,especially when man is deprived of wine, meat, differentkinds of cheeses, and of everything to which from theirinfancy the stomachs of Europeans are accustomed.

Under the stress of necessity the Admiral resolvedto tempt fortune. Desiring to know what destiny Godreserved for him, he took counsel with his intendant,Diego Mendez,[11] and two islanders of Jamaica whowere familiar with those waters. Mendez started in acanoe, although the sea was already ruffled. From reefto reef and from rock to rock, his narrow skiff tossed bythe waves, Diego nevertheless succeeded in reaching theextreme point of Hispaniola which is some forty leaguesdistant from Jamaica. The two natives returned joyously,anticipating the reward promised them by Columbus.Mendez made his way on foot to Santo Domingo,the capital of the island, where he rented two boats andset out to rejoin his commander. All the Spaniardsreturned together to Hispaniola, but in a state of extremeweakness and exhaustion from their privations. I donot know what has since happened to them.[12] Let usnow resume our narrative.

[Note 11: The events of this fourth voyage are related in the interesting Relacionhecha par Diego Mendez de algunos aconticimientos del ultimo viaje delAlmirante Don Christobal Colon. King Ferdinand afterwards grantedMendez a canoe in his armorial bearings, in memory of the services hehad rendered.]

[Note 12: Columbus reached Santo Domingo on August 18th, and there resteduntil September 12th, when he embarked for Spain landing at San Lucaron November 7.]

According to his letters and the reports of his companions,all the regions explored by Columbus are well woodedat all seasons of the year, shaded by leafy green trees.Moreover, what is more important, they are healthy.Not a man of his crew was ever ill or exposed to therigours of cold nor the heats of summer throughout thewhole extent of fifty leagues between the great harbourof Cerabaro and the Hiebra and Veragua rivers.

All the inhabitants of Cerabaro and the neighbourhoodof Hiebra and Veragua only seek gold at certain fixedperiods. They are just as competent as our miners whowork the silver and iron mines. From long experience,from the aspect of the torrent whose waters they divert,from the colour of the earth and various other signs,they know where the richest gold deposits are; theybelieve in a tradition of their ancestors which teachesthat there is a divinity in gold, and they take care onlyto look for this metal after purifying themselves. Theyabstain from carnal and other pleasures, also eating anddrinking in great moderation, during the time they seekgold. They think that men live and die just like animals,and have, therefore, no religion. Nevertheless theyvenerate the sun, and salute the sunrise with respect.

Let us now speak of the mountains and the generalaspect of the continent.

Lofty mountains[13] which end in a ridge extending fromeast to west are seen in the distance towards the southfrom all along the coast. We believe this range separatesthe two seas of which we have already spoken at length,and that it forms a barrier dividing their waters just asItaly separates the Tyrrhenian from the Adriatic Sea.From wherever they sail, between Cape San Augustins,belonging to the Portuguese and facing the Atlas, as faras Uraba and the port of Cerabaro and the other westernlands recently discovered, the navigators behold duringtheir entire voyage, whether near at hand or in the distancemountain ranges; sometimes their slopes are gentle,sometimes lofty, rough, and rocky, or perhaps clothedwith woods and shrubbery. This is likewise the case inthe Taurus, and on the slopes of our Apennines, as wellas on other similar ranges. As is the case elsewhere,beautiful valleys separate the mountain peaks. Thepeaks of the range marking the frontier of Veragua arebelieved to rise above the clouds, for they are very rarelyvisible because of the almost continuous density of mistsand clouds.

[Note 13: The Cordilleras on the Isthmus of Panama.]

The Admiral, who first explored this region, believesthese peaks rise to a height of forty miles, and he saysthat at the base of the mountains there is a roadleading to the South Sea. He compares its position withthat of Venice in relation to Genoa, or Janua, as theinhabitants who boast that Janus was their founder,call their city. The Admiral believes that this continentextends to the west and that the greater part ofits lands lies in that direction. In like manner weobserve that the leg forming Italy branches out beyondthe Alps into the countries of the Gauls, the Germans,the Pannonians, and ultimately those of theSarmats and the Scythians extending to the RipheMountains and the glacial sea, not to mention Thrace,all Greece, and the countries ending towards the southat Cape Malea and the Hellespont, and north at theEuxine and the Palus Maeotidus. The Admiral believesthat on the left and west, this continent joins onto the India of the Ganges, and that towards the rightit extends northwards to the glacial sea and the northpole, lying beyond the lands of the Hyperboreans; thetwo seas, that is to say the southern and the northernocean, would thus join one another at the angles of thiscontinent. I do not believe all its coasts are washedby the ocean, as is our Europe which the Hellespont,the Tanais, the glacial ocean, the Spanish sea and theAtlantic completely surround. In my opinion the strongocean currents running towards the west prevent thesetwo seas from being connected, and I suppose, as I havesaid above, that it does join on to northern lands.

We have spoken enough about longitude, Most HolyFather; let us see what are the theories concerning latitude.

We have already stated that the distance separatingthe South Sea from the Atlantic Ocean is a very smallone; for this fact was demonstrated during the expeditionof Vasco Nuñez and his companions. Just as our Alpsin Europe, narrow in some places and broaden out overa greater extent in others, so by an analogous arrangementof nature this new continent lengthens in some places,extending to a great distance, and in others it narrowsby gulfs which, from the opposite seas, encroach onthe land between them. For example: at both Urabaand Veragua the distance between the two oceans is trifling,while in the region of the Maragnon River, on the contrary,it is vastly extended. That is, if the Maragnon is indeeda river and not a sea. I incline nevertheless to the firsthypothesis, because its waters are fresh. The immensetorrents necessary to feed such a stream could certainlynot exist in a small space. The same applies in the caseof the river Dobaiba,[14] which flows into the sea at the gulf ofUraba, by an estuary three miles wide and forty-five ells deep;it must be supposed that there is a large country amongstthe mountains of Dobaiba from which this river flows. Itis claimed that it is formed by four streams descending fromthese mountains, and the Spaniards have named it SanJuan. Where it falls into the gulf, it has seven mouths, likethe Nile. In this same Uraba region the continent diminishesin size in an astonishing manner, and it is said thatin places its width is not more than fifteen leagues. Thecountry is impassable because of its swamps and quagmireswhich the Spaniards call tremelaes or trampales, or by othernames cenegales, sumineros, and zahoudaderos.[15]

[Note 14: The Dobaiba may be either the Magdalena or the Atrato.]

[Note 15: All words meaning practically the same thing, viz., bog, quagmire,swamp, quicksand, etc., some of them evidently obsolete, as they are notfound in modern Spanish dictionaries.]

Before going farther it may not be useless to explainthe derivation of the name of these mountains. Accordingto native tradition there formerly lived a womanof great intelligence and extraordinary prudence, calledDobaiba. Even during her lifetime she was highlyrespected, and after her death the natives of the countryvenerated her; and it is her name the country bears.She it is who sends thunder and lightning, who destroysthe crops when she is vexed, for they childishly believe,that Dobaiba becomes angry when they fail to offersacrifices in her honour. There are deceivers who, underthe pretence of religion, inculate this belief among thenatives, hoping thereby to increase the number of giftsoffered by the latter to the goddess, and thus augmenttheir own profits. This is enough on this subject.

It is related that in the swamps of this narrow partof the continent numerous crocodiles, dragons, bats,and gnats exist, all of the most formidable description.In seeking to reach the southern sea, it is necessary to gothrough the mountains, and to avoid the neighbourhoodof these swamps. Some people claim that a single valleyseparates in two ranges the mountains facing the southernsea, and that in this valley rises the river which theSpaniards have named Rio de los Perdidos, in memoryof the catastrophe of Nicuesa and his companions. It isnot far distant from Cerabaro; but as its waters arefresh, I believe the people who sustain this theory aretelling fables.

Let us close this chapter with one last topic. To theright and left of Darien flow about a score of gold-producingrivers. We here repeat what has been toldto us, and about which everybody agrees. When askedwhy they did not bring more considerable quantities ofgold from that country, the Spaniards answer that minersare required, and that the explorers of the new countriesare not men inured to fatigue. This explains why muchless gold is obtained than the wealth of the soil affords.It would even seem that precious stones are found there.Without repeating what I have said concerning Cariaiand the neighbourhood of Santa Marta, here is anotherproof. A certain Andreas Morales, a pilot of these seas,who was a friend and companion of Juan de la Cosaduring his lifetime, possessed a diamond which a youngnative of Paria in Cumana had discovered. It was ofthe greatest rarity and is described as being as longas two middle finger joints. It was as thick as thefirst thumb joint, was pointed at both ends, and hadeight well-cut facets. When struck upon an anvil,it wore the files and hammers, itself remaining intact.This young man of Cumana wore it hanging round hisneck, and he sold it to Andreas Morales for five greenglass beads because their colour pleased him. TheSpaniards also found topazes on the beach, but as theyonly think of gold, they turn their backs on these preciousstones; for only gold attracts them, only gold do they seek.Thus the majority of Spaniards despise people whowear rings and precious stones, regarding it as almost acontemptible thing to decorate one's self with preciousstones. Our people above all hold this opinion. Sometimesthe nobles, for a wedding ceremony or a royalfestival, like to display jewels in their golden necklaces,or to embroider their costumes with pearls mixed withdiamonds; but on all other occasions they abstain, forit is considered effeminate to decorate one's self in thiswise, just as it would be to be perfumed with the odoursof Araby. Any one they meet smelling of musk or castor,they suspect of being given to guilty passions.

Fruit plucked from a tree argues that the tree bearsfruit; a fish taken from a river warrants the affirmationthat fish live in the river. In like manner a bit of goldor a single precious stone justifies the belief that the earthwhere they are found, produces gold and precious stones.

This must certainly be admitted. We have already relatedwhat the companions of Pedro Arias and some officialsdiscovered at the port of Santa Marta in the Cariai regionwhen they penetrated there with the whole fleet. Everyday the harvest increases, and overtops that of the last.The exploits of Saturn and Hercules and other heroes,glorified by antiquity, are reduced to nothing. If theincessant efforts of the Spaniards result in new discoveries,we shall give our attention to them. May Your Holinessfare well, and let me know your opinion upon theseaggrandisements of your Apostolic Chair, and thusencourage me in my future labours.

BOOK V

Every creature in this sublunary world, MostHoly Father, that gives birth to something,either immediately afterwards closes the wombor rests for a period. The new continent, however, isnot governed by this rule, for each day it creates withoutceasing and brings forth new products, which continueto furnish men gifted with power and an enthusiasm fornovelties, sufficient material to satisfy their curiosity.Your Holiness may ask, "Why this preamble?" Thereason is that I had scarcely finished composing anddictating the story of the adventures of Vasco Nuñezand his companions during their exploration of the SouthSea, and had hardly despatched that narration to YourHoliness by Giovanni Ruffo di Forli, Archbishop ofCosenza and Galeazzo Butrigario, Apostolic nunciosand stimulators of my somnolent spirits, than newletters[1] arrived from Pedro Arias whose departure lastyear as commander of a fleet bound for the new continentwe have already announced. The General duly arrivedwith his soldiers and his ships. These letters are signedby Juan Cabedo whom Your Holiness, upon the solicitationof the Catholic King, appointed Bishop of the provinceof Darien, and his signature is accompanied by thoseof the principal officials sent to administer the government,viz.: Alonzo de Ponte, Diego Marques, and Juande Tavira. May Your Holiness, therefore, deign toaccept the narrative of this voyage.

[Note 1: If still in existence these letters have yet to be found.]

On the eve of the ides of April, 1514, Pedro Ariasgave the signal to start and sailed from the port of SanLucar de Barrameda, a fortified place at the mouth ofthe Bœtis, called by the Spaniards the Guadalquivir.From the mouth of the Bœtis, to the seven CanaryIslands the distance is about four hundred miles. Somepeople think these islands correspond to the FortunateIsles, but others hold a contrary opinion. These islandsare named as follows: Lancelota and Fortaventura arethe first sighted, after which the Grand Canary, followedby Teneriffe: Gomera lies a short distance to the north ofTeneriffe and the islands of Palma and Ferro seem toform a rear-guard. After a voyage of eight days, PedroArias landed at Gomera. His fleet consisted of seventeenvessels, carrying fifteen hundred men, to which numberhe had been restricted; for he left behind him more thantwo thousand discontented and disconsolate men, whobegged to be allowed to embark at their own expense;such was their avidity for gold and such their desire tobehold the new continent.

Pedro Arias stopped sixteen days at Gomera, to takeon a supply of wood and water, and to repair hisships damaged by a storm, especially the flag-ship,which had lost her rudder. The archipelago of theCanaries is indeed a most convenient port for navigators.The expedition left the Canaries the nones ofMay, and saw no land until the third day of the nonesof June, when the ships approached the island of theman-eating cannibals which has been named Domingo.On this island, which is about eight hundred leagues fromGomera, Pedro Arias remained four days and replenishedhis supply of water and wood. Not a man or a traceof a human being was discovered. Along the coast weremany crabs and huge lizards. The course afterwardspassed by the islands of Madanino and Guadeloupe andMaria Galante, of which I have spoken at length in myFirst Decade. Pedro Arias also sailed over vast stretchesof water full of grass[2]; neither the Admiral, Columbus,who first discovered these lands and crossed this sea of grass,nor the Spaniards accompanying Pedro Arias are ableto explain the cause of this growth. Some people thinkthe sea is muddy thereabouts and the grasses, growing onthe bottom, reach to the surface; similar phenomena beingobserved in lakes and large rivers of running waters. Othersdo not think that the grasses grow in that sea, but aretorn up by storms from the numerous reefs and afterwardsfloat about; but it is impossible to prove anything becauseit is not known yet whether they fasten themselves to theprows of the ships they follow or whether they float afterbeing pulled up. I am inclined to believe they grow inthose waters, otherwise the ships would collect them intheir course,––just as brooms gather up all the rubbishin the house,––which would thus delay their progress.

[Note 2: The Mare Sargassum of the ancients: also called Fucus Natans, andby the Spaniards Mar de Sargasso. A curious marine meadow nearlyseven times larger than France, in extent, lying between 19° and 34°north latitude. There is a lesser Fucus bank between the Bahamas andthe Bermudas. Consult Aristotle, Meteor, ii., I, 14; De mirabilibusauscutationibus, p. 100; Theophrastus, Historia Plantarum, iv., 7;Arienus, Ora Maritima, v., 408; Humboldt, Cosmos, tom. ii.; Gaffarel,La Mer des Sargasses; Leps, Bulletin de la Soc. Geog., Sept., 1865.]

The fourth day of the ides of March snow-coveredmountains were observed. The sea runs strongly to thewest and its current is as rapid as a mountain torrent.Nevertheless the Spaniards did not lay their coursedirectly towards the west, but deviated slightly to thesouth. I hope to be able to demonstrate this by one ofthe tables of the new cosmography which it is my intentionto write, if God gives me life. The Gaira River,celebrated for the massacre of the Spaniards during thevoyage of Roderigo Colmenares, which I have elsewhererelated, rises in these mountains. Many other riverswater this coast. The province of Caramaira has twocelebrated harbours, the first being Carthagena and thesecond Santa Marta, these being their Spanish names.A small province of the latter is called by the nativesSaturma. The harbour of Santa Marta is very near thesnow-covered mountains; in fact it lies at their foot.The port of Carthagena is fifty leagues from there, tothe west. Wonderful things are written about the portof Santa Marta, and all who come back tell such. Amongthe latter is Vespucci,[3] nephew of Amerigo Vespucciof Florence who, at his death, bequeathed his knowledgeof navigation and cosmography to his nephew. Thisyoung man has, in fact, been sent by the King as pilotto the flagship and commissioned to take the astronomicalobservations. The steering has been entrusted to theprincipal pilot, Juan Serrano, a Castilian, who had oftensailed in those parts. I have often invited this youngVespucci to my table, not only because he possesses realtalent, but also because he has taken notes of all heobserved during his voyage.[4]

[Note 3: He was appointed cartographer of the Casa de Contractacion at Seville,in 1512. Henry Harrisse makes frequent mention of the Vespucci inhis work on the Cabots.]

[Note 4: One of many instances of Peter Martyr's hospitality to men of partsand activity, from whose conversation and narrations he set himself toglean the material for his writings. His information was first-hand, andwas frequently poured out to him over his hospitable board, under whichthe home-coming adventurers were glad to stretch their legs, while theirgenial host stimulated their memories and loosed their tongues with thegenerous wines of his adopted country.]

According to the letters of Pedro Arias, and to the narrationsof Vespucci, what happened is as follows: It is believedthat the natives belong to the same race as the Caribs orCannibals, for they are just as overbearing and cruel. Theyseek to repulse from their shores all Spaniards who approachfor they consider them as enemies and are determined toprevent their landing, despite their attempts. These nakedbarbarians are so determined and courageous, that theyventured to attack the entire squadron and tried todrive it from their coasts. They threw themselves intothe sea, like madmen, showing not the slightest fearof the number and size of our vessels. They attackedthe Spaniards with all sorts of darts; protected by thesides of the ships and by their shields, the latter resisted,though two of them were mortally wounded. It wasthen decided to fire cannon, and frightened by the noiseand the effect of the projectiles, the natives fled, believingthe Spaniards commanded the thunder; for they arefrequently exposed to storms owing to the character oftheir country and the neighbourhood of lofty mountains.Although the enemy were conquered and dispersed, theSpaniards hesitated whether to go on shore or to remainon board their ships. A consultation was held in whichdifferent opinions were expressed. Fear counselled themto stop where they were, but human respect urged themto land. They feared the poisoned arrows which thenatives shot with such sure aim, but on the other handit seemed shameful, unworthy, and infamous to sail bywith such a large fleet and so many soldiers without landing.Human respect carried the day, and after landingby means of light barques, they pursued the scatterednatives.

According to the report of Pedro Arias and the narrativeof Vespucci, the harbour is three leagues in circumference.It is a safe one, and its waters are so clear that at adepth of twenty cubits, the stones on its bottom may becounted. Streams empty into the harbour but theyare not navigable for large ships, only for native canoes.There is an extraordinary abundance of both fresh- andsalt-water fish, of great variety and good flavour. Manynative fishing boats were found in this harbour, and alsoa quantity of nets ingeniously made from stout grassesworn by friction and interwoven with spun cotton cords.The natives of Caramaira, Cariai, and Saturma are allskilful fishermen, and it is by selling their fish to the inlandtribes that they procure the products they need and desire.

When the barbarians withdrew from the coast, theSpaniards entered their boios, that is to say their houses.The natives frequently attacked our men with fury,seeking to kill them all with flights of poisoned arrows.When they realised that their houses were to be invadedand robbed, and particularly when they witnessed theirwomen and the majority of their children carried intocaptivity, their fury increased. The furniture found inthese houses was discovered to be made of large reedsgathered along the shore, or of various grasses resemblingcords. Woven mats of various colours, and cotton hangings,upon which lions, eagles, tigers, and other figureswere executed with great care and taste, were found. Thedoors of the houses and of the rooms inside were hungwith snail-shells strung upon fine cord, which the windeasily shook, producing a noise of rattling shells whichdelighted them.

From various sources astonishing tales of the nativeshave been told me. Amongst others, Gonzales FernandoOviedo,[5] who is a royal official with the title of inspector,boasts that he has travelled extensively in the interiorof the country. He found a piece of sapphire larger thana goose's egg, and upon the hills he explored with abouttwenty men, he claims that he has seen a large quantityof emerald matrix, chalcedon, jasper, and great lumps ofmountain amber.

[Note 5: Sommario dell'Indie Occidenti, cap. lxxxii., in Ramusio.]

Attached to the tapestries woven with gold which theCaribs left behind them in their houses when they fled,were precious stones: Oviedo and his companions affirmthat they saw them. The country also has forests ofscarlet wood and rich gold deposits. Everywhere alongthe coast and on the banks of the rivers exist marcasites[6]which indicate the presence of gold. Oviedofurther states that in a region called Zenu, lying ninetymiles east of Darien, a kind of business is carried on forwhich there are found in the native houses huge jarsand baskets, cleverly made of reeds adapted to thatpurpose. These receptacles are filled with dried andsalted grasshoppers, crabs, crayfish, and locusts, whichdestroy the harvests. When asked the purpose of theseprovisions, the natives replied they were destined to besold to the people inland, and in exchange for theseprecious insects and dried fish they procure the foreignproducts they require. The natives live in scatteredfashion, their houses not being built together. Thisland, inhabited by the people of Caramaira, is an Elysiancountry, well cultivated, fertile, exposed neither to therigours of winter nor the great heats of summer. Dayand night are of about equal length.

[Note 6: A variety of iron pyrites.]

After driving off the barbarians, the Spaniards entereda valley two leagues in breadth and three long, which extendedto the grassy and wooded slopes of the mountains.Two other valleys, each watered by a river, also open tothe right and left at the foot of these mountains. Oneis the Gaira, and the other has not yet received a name.There are, in these valleys, cultivated gardens, and fieldswatered by ingeniously planned ditches. Our Milaneseand Tuscans cultivate and water their fields in preciselythe same manner.

The ordinary food of these natives is the same as theothers––agoes, yucca, maize, potatoes, fruits, and fish.They rarely eat human flesh, for they do not often capturestrangers. Sometimes they arm themselves and gohunting in neighbouring regions, but they do not eatone another. There is, however, one fact sad to hear.These filthy eaters of men are reported to have killedmyriads of their kind to satisfy their passion. Ourcompatriots have discovered a thousand islands as fairas Paradise, a thousand Elysian regions, which thesebrigands have depopulated. Charming and blessed asthey are, they are nevertheless deserted. From thissole instance Your Holiness may judge of the perversityof this brutal race. We have already said that the islandof San Juan lies near to Hispaniola and is called by thenatives Burichena. Now it is related that within ourown time more than five thousand islanders have beencarried off from Burichena for food, and were eaten bythe inhabitants of these neighbouring islands which arenow called Santa Cruz, Hayhay, Guadaloupe, and Queraqueira.But enough has been said about the appetitesof these filthy creatures.

Let us now speak a little of the roots destined to becomethe food of Christians and take the place of wheatenbread, radishes, and our other vegetables. We havealready said several times that the yucca was a root fromwhich the natives make a bread they like both in theislands and on the continent; but we have not yet spokenof its culture, its growth, or of its several varieties. Whenplanting yucca, they dig a hole knee-deep in the ground,and pile the earth in heaps nine feet square, in each oneof which they plant a dozen yucca roots about six feetlong, in such wise that all the ends come together in thecentre of the mound. From their joining and even fromtheir extremities, young roots fine as a hair sprout and,increasing little by little, attain, when they are full grown,the thickness and length of a man's arm, and often of hisleg. The mounds of earth are thus converted little bylittle into a network of roots. According to their description,the yucca requires at least half a year to reachmaturity, and the natives also say that if it is left longerin the ground, for instance for two years, it improves andproduces a superior quality of bread. When cut, thewomen break and mash it on stones prepared for thepurpose, just as amongst us cheese is pressed; or they packit into a bag made of grass or reeds from the riverside,afterwards placing a heavy stone on the bag and hangingit up for a whole day to let the juice run off. This juice,as we have already said in speaking of the islanders,is dangerous; but if cooked, it becomes wholesome, asis the case with the whey of our milk. Let us observe,however, that this juice is not fatal to the natives of thecontinent.

There are several varieties of yucca, one of whichbeing dearer and more agreeable, is reserved for makingthe bread of the caciques. Other varieties are setaside for the nobles, and certain others for the commonpeople. When the juice has all run off, the pulp is spreadout and cooked on slabs of earthenware made for thepurpose, just as our people do cheese. This sort of breadis the most used and is called cazabi. It is said there arealso several kinds of agoes and potatoes, and the nativesuse these more as vegetables than for breadmaking,just as we do radishes, turnips, mushrooms, and othersimilar foods. Most of all do the natives like potatoes,which indeed are preferable to mushrooms, because oftheir flavour and softness, particularly when of a superiorquality. We have now spoken enough of roots, so letus come to another kind of bread. The natives haveanother kind of grain similar to millet, save that the kernelsare larger. When there is a shortage of yucca, they grindit into flour by mashing it between stones; the bread madefrom this is coarser. This grain is sown three times ayear, since the fertility of the soil corresponds to theevenness of the seasons. I have already spoken of thisin preceding places. When the Spaniards first arrived,all these roots and grains and maize, as well as variousother kinds of fruit trees were cultivated.

In Caramaira and Saturma there are such broad,straight roads that one might think they had been drawnwith a lead pencil. Among this people are found cupswith handles, jugs, jars, long platters, and plates ofearthenware, as well as amphoras of different coloursfor keeping water fresh.

When ordered to tender obedience to the King ofCastile and to embrace our religion, or get out, the Indiansreplied with flights of poisoned arrows. The Spaniardscaptured some of them, whom they immediately set atliberty after giving them some clothing. Some othersthey took on board the ships and displayed our grandeurbefore them, so that they might tell their compatriots; afterwhich they released them, hoping thus to win their friendship.Gold has been proven to exist in all the rivers.Here and there in the native houses fresh meat of deer andwild boar was found; a food which they eat with greatpleasure. These natives also keep numbers of birdswhich they rear either for food or for their pleasure.The climate is healthy; I may cite as a proof the factthat the Spaniards slept at night on the river banks andin the open air, without anybody suffering from headacheor pains.

The Spaniards likewise found huge balls of spun cottonand bunches of divers coloured feathers from whichheaddresses, similar to those of our cuirassiers, or mantlesof state are made. These are elegancies among thenatives. There was also a large number of bows andarrows.

Sometimes the bodies of their ancestors are burned andthe bones buried, and sometimes they are preservedentire in their boios, that is to say houses, and treatedwith great respect; or again, they may be ornamented withgold and precious stones. It was noted that the breastornaments, which they call guanines were made of copperrather than gold, and it was surmised that they dealtwith tricky strangers who sold them these guanines,palming off upon them vile metal for gold. Neither didthe Spaniards discover the trick till they melted thesesupposed valuables.

Some architects who had wandered a short distancefrom the coast came upon some fragments of white marble,and they think that strangers must at some time havelanded there and quarried this marble from the mountains,leaving these fragments scattered about the plain. Itwas at this place that the Spaniards learned that the riverMaragnon flows from the snow-covered mountains, itsvolume being increased by numerous streams flowinginto it. Its great size is due to the fact that its courseis long, and that it only reaches the sea after havingtraversed well-watered regions.

The signal for departure was finally given. Ninehundred men who had been landed, assembled shoutingjoyfully, marching in order, loaded with plunder, andquite showy with crowns, mantles, feathers, and nativemilitary ornaments. The anchor was hoisted on the sixteenthday of the calends of July. The ships, damagedin frequent gales, had been repaired, the flag-ship havingespecially suffered the loss of her rudder, as we havealready mentioned. The fleet put out to sea in thedirection of Carthagena, and in obedience to the King'sinstructions ravaged some islands inhabited by ferociouscannibals which lay in the course. The strong currentsdeceived Juan Serrano, chief pilot of the flag-ship, andhis colleagues, though they boasted that they were wellacquainted with the nature of these currents. In onenight, and contrary to the general expectation, they madeforty leagues.

BOOK VI

The time has come, Most Holy Father, to philosophisea little, leaving cosmography to seek thecauses of Nature's secrets. The ocean currentsin those regions run towards the west, as torrents rushingdown a mountain side. Upon this point the testimonyis unanimous. Thus I find myself uncertain when askedwhere these waters go which flow in a circular andcontinuous movement from east to west, never to returnto their starting-place; and how it happens that thewest is not consequently overwhelmed by these waters,nor the east emptied. If it be true that these watersare drawn towards the centre of the earth, as is the casewith all heavy objects, and that this centre, as somepeople affirm, is at the equinoctial line, what can be thecentral reservoir capable of holding such a mass of waters?And what will be the circumference filled with water,which will yet be discovered? The explorers of thesecoasts offer no convincing explanation. There are otherauthors who think that a large strait exists at the extremityof the gulf formed by this vast continent andwhich, we have already said, is eight times larger than theocean. This strait may lie to the west of Cuba, and wouldconduct these raging waters to the west, from whencethey would again return to our east. Some learned menthink the gulf formed by this vast continent is an enclosedsea, whose coasts bend in a northerly direction behindCuba, in such wise that the continent would extendunbrokenly to the northern lands beneath the polar circlebathed by the glacial sea. The waters, driven back bythe extent of land, are drawn into a circle, as may beseen in rivers whose opposite banks provoke whirlpools;but this theory does not accord with the facts.The explorers of the northern passages, who always sailedwestwards, affirm that the waters are always drawn inthat direction, not however with violence, but by a longand uninterrupted movement.

Amongst the explorers of the glacial region a certainSebastiano Cabotto, of Venetian origin, but brought byhis parents in his infancy to England, is cited. Itcommonly happens that Venetians visit every part ofthe universe, for purposes of commerce. Cabottoequipped two vessels in England, at his own cost, andfirst sailed with three hundred men towards the north,to such a distance that he found numerous masses offloating ice in the middle of the month of July. Daylightlasted nearly twenty-four hours, and as the ice hadmelted, the land was free. According to his story hewas obliged to tack and take the direction of west-by-south.The coast bent to about the degree of the straitof Gibraltar. Cabotto did not sail westward until hehad arrived abreast of Cuba, which lay on his left. Infollowing this coast-line which he called Bacallaos,[1] hesays that he recognised the same maritime currentsflowing to the west that the Castilians noted when theysailed in southern regions belonging to them. It is notmerely probable, therefore, but becomes even necessaryto conclude that between these two hitherto unknowncontinents there extend large openings through which thewater flows from east to west. I think these watersflow all round the world in a circle, obediently to theDivine Law, and that they are not spewed forth andafterwards absorbed by some panting Demogorgon.This theory would, up to a certain point, furnish anexplanation of the ebb and flow.

[Note 1: The word Bacallaos is thought to be of Basque origin. This designationfor codfish is extremely ancient, and the land thus named appearson the earliest maps of America.]

Cabotto calls these lands Terra de Bacallaos, becausethe neighbouring waters swarm with fish similar totunnies, which the natives call by this name. Thesefish are so numerous that sometimes they interfere withthe progress of ships. The natives of these regions wearfurs, and appear to be intelligent. Cabotto reports thatthere are many bears in the country, which live on fish.These animals plunge into the midst of thick schools offish, and seizing one fast in their claws they drag it ashoreto be devoured. They are not dangerous to men. Heclaims to have seen the natives in many places in possessionof copper. Cabotto frequents my house, and I havehim sometimes at my table.[2] He was called fromEngland by our Catholic King after the death of Henry,King of that country, and he lives at court with us. Heis waiting, from day to day, to be furnished with shipswith which he will be able to discover this mystery ofnature. I think he will leave on this expedition towardsthe month of March of next year, 1516. If God givesme life, Your Holiness shall hear from me what happensto him. There are not wanting people in Spain whoaffirm that Cabotto is not the first discoverer of Terrade Bacallaos; they only concede him the merit of havingpushed out a little farther to the west.[3] But this isenough about the strait and Cabotto.

[Note 2: Again we see Peter Martyr's system of collecting information illustrated.Cabot's discoveries on this voyage are indicated on Juan de laCosa's map, of 1500. Henry VII. gave little support, and Cabot, therefore,withdrew from England. In 1516 he was given an appointment by KingFerdinand, with 50,000 maravedis yearly and an estate in Andalusia.]

[Note 3: The Bacallaos coast was discovered by the Scandinavians in the tenthcentury, and was known to the Venetians in the fourteenth. Basque,Breton, and Norman fishermen visited it in the following century.]

Let us now return to the Spaniards. Pedro Arias and hismen passed the length of the harbour of Carthagena and theislands inhabited by Caribs, named San Bernardo's Islands.They left the entire country of Caramaira behind them,without approaching it. They were driven by a tempestupon an island which we have already mentioned asFuerte, and which is about fifty leagues distant from theentrance of the gulf of Uraba. In this island they found,standing in the houses of the islanders, a number ofbaskets made out of marine plants and filled with salt.This island is indeed celebrated for its salines and thenatives procure whatever they need by the sale of salt.

An enormous pelican, larger than a vulture and remarkablefor the dimensions of its throat, fell upon theflagship. It is the same bird, which, according to thetestimony of several writers, formerly lived domesticatedin the marshes of Ravenna. I do not know if this isstill the case. This pelican let itself be easily caught,after which they took it from one vessel to another:it soon died. A flock of twenty such birds were seen onthe coast in the distance.

The flag-ship was larger than the other vessels, but asshe had been damaged and was no longer serviceable, shewas left behind; she will rejoin the fleet when the sea iscalmer. The eleventh day of the calends of July thefleet reached Darien, the flag-ship arriving four days later,but without cargo. The colonists of Darien under theleadership of Vasco Nuñez Balboa, of whom we haveelsewhere written at length, came down to meet the newarrivals singing the psalm Te Deum Laudamus. Eachof them offered voluntary hospitality in his house, builtafter the plan of native cabins.

This country may very properly be called a province,because it has been conquered and all of its chiefs dethroned.The Spaniards refreshed themselves with native fruitsand bread made either of roots or of maize. The fleetbrought other provisions, for example salt-meats, salt-fish,and barrels of wheat flour.

Behold the royal fleet at anchor in these strange countriesand behold the Spaniards established, not onlyin the Tropic of Cancer, but almost on the equator,––contraryto the opinion of many scientists,––ready to settleand to found colonies.

The day after landing, four hundred and fifty colonistsof Darien were invited to a meeting. Both in publicand in private, by groups or singly, they were questionedconcerning the report of Vasco, Admiral of the South Sea,or, as this officer is termed in Spanish, the Adelantado.The truth of all he had reported to the King concerningthis South Sea was admitted. According to the opinionof Vasco himself, the first thing to be done was to buildforts in the territories of Comogre, Pochorrosa, andTumanama, which would later form centres of colonisation.A hidalgo of Cordova, Captain Juan Ayora, waschosen to carry out this plan, for which purpose hewas given four hundred men, four caravels, and a smallboat. Ayora first landed in the port of Comogra, describedin letters that have been received, as distant abouttwenty-five leagues from Darien. From that point hedespatched one hundred and fifty of his men by a moredirect road than the one indicated, in the direction ofthe South Sea. It was said that the distance between theport of Comogra and the gulf of St. Miguel was onlytwenty-six leagues. The other company of two hundredand fifty men would remain at Comogra to render assistanceto those coming and going. The hundred andfifty men chosen to march to the South Sea took withthem interpreters, some of whom were Spaniards who hadlearned the language spoken in the region of the South Sea,from slaves captured by Vasco when he explored thecountry; while others were slaves who already understoodthe Spanish tongue. The harbour of Pochorrosa isseven leagues distant from that of Comogra. Ayora,the lieutenant of Pedro Arias, was to leave fifty menand the small boat, which would serve as a courier, atPochorroso, so that these boats might serve to carry newsto the lieutenant and to the colonists of Darien, justas relays are arranged on land. It was also intendedto form a station in the territory of Tumanama, ofwhich the capital is twenty leagues distant from that ofPochorrosa.

Out of the hundred and fifty men assigned to Ayora,fifty were chosen among the older colonists of Darien,they being persons of large experience who would takecharge of the newcomers and serve them as guides.

When these measures were adopted, it was determinedto report to the King, and at the same time to announceto him as a positive fact that there existed in the neighbourhooda cacique called Dobaiba, whose territory hadrich gold deposits, which had till then been respectedbecause he was very powerful. His country extendedalong the great river which we have elsewhere mentioned.According to common report, all the countries under hisauthority were rich in gold. Fifty leagues divided Darienfrom the residence of Dobaiba. The natives affirmedthat gold would be found immediately the frontier wascrossed. We have elsewhere related that only threeleagues from Darien the Spaniards already possessedquite important gold mines, which are being worked.Moreover, in many places gold is found by breaking thesoil, but it is believed to be more abundant in the territoriesof Dobaiba. In the First Decade I addressed to YourHoliness, I had mentioned this Dobaiba, but the Spaniardswere mistaken concerning him, for they thought theyhad met fishermen of Dobaiba and believed that Dobaibawas the swampy region where they had encounteredthese men. Pedro Arias, therefore, decided to lead aselected troop into that country. These men were tobe chosen out of the entire company and should be in theflower of their age, abundantly furnished with dartsand arms of every sort. They were to march againstthe cacique, and if he refused their alliance, they wereto attack and overthrow him. Moreover, the Spaniardsnever weary of repeating, as a proof of the wealth theydream of, that by just scratching the earth almost anywhere,grains of gold are found. I only repeat here whatthey have written.

The colonists likewise counselled the King to establisha colony at the port of Santa Marta in the districtcalled by the natives Saturma. This would serveas a place of refuge for people arriving from the islandof Domingo. From Domingo to this port of Saturmathe journey could be made in about four or fivedays, and from Santa Marta to Darien in three days.This holds good for the voyage thither, but the return ismuch more difficult because of the current we havementioned, and which is so strong that the return voyageseems like climbing steep mountains. Ships returningfrom Cuba or Hispaniola to Spain do not encounterthe full force of this current; although they have tostruggle against a turbulent ocean, still the breadth ofthe open sea is such that the waters have free course.Along the coasts of Paria, on the contrary, the watersare cramped by the continental littoral and the shoresof the numerous islands. The same happens in thestrait of Sicily where a current exists which Your Holinesswell knows, formed by the rocks of Charybdis andScylla, at a place, where the Ionian, Libyan, and Tyrrhenianseas come together within a narrow space.

In writing of the island of Guanassa and the provincescalled Iaia, Maia, and Cerabarono, Columbus, who firstnoted the fact, said that while following these coasts andendeavouring to keep to the east, his ships encounteredsuch resistance that at times he could not take soundings,the adverse current dragging the lead before it touchedbottom. Even with the wind on his stern, he couldsometimes make no more than one mile in a day. This itis that obliges sailors returning to Spain to first make forthe upper part of Hispaniola or Cuba, and then strikeout northwards on the high sea in order to profit by thenorth winds, for they would make no headway sailing ina direct line. But we have several times spoken sufficientlyabout ocean currents. It is now the moment toreport what is written concerning Darien and the colonyfounded on its banks which the colonists have namedSanta Maria Antigua.

The site is badly chosen, unhealthy, and more pestiferousthan Sardinia. All the colonists look pale, likemen sick of the jaundice. It is not exclusively theclimate of the country which is responsible, for in manyother places situated in the same latitude the climate iswholesome and agreeable; clear springs of water breakfrom the earth and swift rivers flow between banks thatare not swampy. The natives, however, make a pointof living amongst the hills, instead of in the valleys.The colony founded on the shores of Darien is situatedin a deep valley, completely surrounded by lofty hills,in such wise that the direct rays of the sun beat upon itat midday, while as the sun goes down its rays are reflectedfrom the mountains, in front, behind, and all around,rendering the place insupportable. The rays of the sunare most fierce when they are reflected, rather than direct,nor are they themselves pernicious, as may be observedamong the snows on high mountains. Your Holiness isnot ignorant of this. For this reason the rays of the sunshining upon the mountains reach down, gradually fallingto their base, just as a large round stone thrown from theirsummit would do. The valleys consequently receive, notonly the direct rays, but also those reflected from thehills and mountains. If, therefore, the site of Darien isunhealthy, it is not the fault of the country but of thesite itself chosen by the colony. The unwholesomenessof the place is further increased by the malodorous swampsurrounding it. To say the frank truth, the town isnothing but a swamp. When the slaves sprinkle thefloor of the houses, toads spring into existence from thedrops of water that fall from their hands, just as in otherplaces I have seen drops of water changed into fleas.Wherever a hole one palm deep is dug, water bursts forth;but it is filthy and contaminated because of the riverwhich flows through a deep valley over a stagnant bedto the sea. The Spaniards, therefore, considered changingthe site. Necessity had first of all obliged them tostop there, for the first arrivals were so reduced by faminethat they did not even think of moving it. Neverthelessthey are tormented in this unfortunate place by the raysof the sun; the waters are impure and are pestiferous,the vapours malarious, and consequently everybody isill. There is not even the advantage of a good harbourto offset these inconveniences, for the distance from thevillage to the entrance of the gulf is three leagues, andthe road leading thither is difficult and even painfulwhen it is a question of bringing provisions from the sea.

But let us pass to other details. Hardly had theSpaniards landed when divers adventures overtook them.An excellent doctor of Seville, whom the authority of thebishop[4] and likewise his desire to obtain gold preventedfrom peacefully ending his days in his native country,was surprised by a thunderbolt when sleeping quietlywith his wife. The house with all its furniture wasburnt and the bewildered doctor and his wife barelyescaped, almost naked and half roasted. Once when adog eight months old was wandering on the shore, abig crocodile snapped him up, like a hawk seizing a chickenas its prey; he swallowed this miserable dog under thevery eyes of all the Spaniards, while the unfortunateanimal yelped to his master for help. During the nightthe men were tortured by bats, which bit them; and if oneof these animals bit a man while he was asleep, he losthis blood, and was in danger of losing his life. It is evenclaimed that some people did die on account of thesewounds. If these bats find a cock or a hen at night inthe open air, they strike them on their combs and killthem. The country is infested by crocodiles, lions, andtigers, but measures have already been taken to kill alarge number of them. It is reported that the skins oflions and tigers killed by the natives are found in theircabins. Horses, pigs, and oxen grow rapidly, and becomelarger than their sires. This development is due to thefertility of the soil. The reports concerning the size oftrees, different products of the earth, vegetables, andplants we have acclimatised, the deer, savage quadrupeds,and the different varieties of fish and birds,are in accordance with my previous descriptions.

[Note 4: Referring doubtless to Juan de Fonseca bishop of Burgos.]

The cacique Careta, ruler of Coiba, was the Spaniards'guest for three days. He admired the musical instruments,the trappings of the horses, and all the things he had neverknown. He was dismissed with handsome presents.Careta informed the Spaniards that there grew in hisprovince a tree, of which the wood was suitable for theconstruction of ships, since it was never attacked by marineworms. It is known that the ships suffered greatly fromthese pests in the ports of the New World. This particularwood is so bitter that the worms do not even attemptto gnaw into it. There is another tree peculiar to thiscountry whose leaves produce swellings if they touchthe naked skin, and unless sea-water or the saliva of aman who is fasting be not at once applied, these blistersproduce painful death. This tree also grows in Hispaniola.It is claimed that to smell its wood is fatal, and it cannotbe transported anywhere without risk of death. Whenthe islanders of Hispaniola sought in vain to shake offthe yoke of servitude, either by open resistance or secretplots, they tried to smother the Spaniards in theirsleep by the smoke of this wood. Astonished at seeingthe wood scattered about them, the Spaniards forced thewretched natives to confess their plot and punished theauthors of it. The natives likewise are acquaintedwith a plant whose smell fortifies them, and serves asremedy against the odour of this tree, making it possiblefor them to handle the wood. These particulars are futile;and this enough on this subject.

The Spaniards hoped to find still greater riches in theislands of the South Sea. When the courier who broughtthis news started, Pedro Arias was preparing an expedition[5]to an island lying in the midst of the gulf the Spaniardshave named San Miguel, and which Vasco did nottouch, owing to a rough sea. I have already spoken atlength of it in describing the expedition of Vasco to theSouth Sea. We daily expect to hear of fresh exploits excellingthe former ones, for a number of other provinceshave been conquered, and we sincerely hope that they willnot prove useless nor devoid of claims to our admiration.

[Note 5: This expedition under the command of GasparMorales was unsuccessful.]

Juan Diaz Solis de Nebrissa, whom we have alreadymentioned, has been sent to double Cape San Augustin,which belongs to the Portuguese, and lies seven degreesbelow the equinoctial line. He should go towards thesouth, below Paria, Cumana, Coquibacoa, and the harboursof Carthagena, and Santa Marta, in order that our knowledgeof the continent may be more precise and extensive.Another commander, Juan Pons, has been sent with threeships to ravage the islands of the Caribs and reduce to slaverythese filthy islanders, who feed on men. The otherislands in the neighbourhood, which are inhabited bymild-mannered people, will thus be delivered from thispest and may be explored, and the character of theirproducts discovered.

Other explorers have been sent out in different directions:Gaspar de Badajoz, towards the west; Francisco Bezarraand Vallejo, the first by the extremity of the gulf and theother along the western shore of its entrance, will seekto lay bare the secrets of that country where formerlyHojeda sought, under such unhappy circumstances, tosettle. They will build there a fort and a town. Gasparde Badajoz, with eighty well-armed men, was the firstto leave Darien; Ludovico Mercado followed him withfifty others; Bezarra had eighty men under his orders,and Vallejo seventy. Whether they will succeed or willfall into dangerous places, only the providence of theGreat Architect knows. We men are forced to awaitthe occurrence of events before we can know them. Letus go on to another subject.

BOOK VII

Pedro Arias, the governor of what is supposed tobe a continent, had hardly left Spain and landedat Darien, with the larger number of his men, thanI received news of the arrival at Court of Andreas Morales.This man, who is a ship's pilot, familiar with these coasts,came on business. Morales had carefully and attentivelyexplored the land supposed to be a continent, as well asthe neighbouring islands and the interior of Hispaniola.He was commissioned by the brother of Nicholas Ovando,Grand Commander of the Order of Alcantara and governorof the island, to explore Hispaniola. He was chosenbecause of his superior knowledge and also because hewas better equipped than others to fulfil that mission.He has moreover compiled itineraries and maps, inwhich everybody who understands the question has confidence.Morales came to see me, as all those who comeback from the ocean habitually do. Let us now examinethe heretofore unknown particulars I have learned fromhim and from several others. A detailed description ofHispaniola may serve as an introduction to this narrative,for is not Hispaniola the capital and the market wherethe most precious gifts of the ocean accumulate?

Round about the island lie a thousand and more Nereidnymphs, fair, graceful, and elegant, serving as its ornamentslike to another Tethys, their queen and their mother. ByNereids I mean to say the islands scattered round aboutHispaniola, concerning which we shall give some briefinformation. Afterwards will come the island of pearlswhich our compatriots call Rico, and which lies in thegulf of San Miguel in the South Sea. It has already beenexplored and marvellous things found; and yet morewonderful are promised for the future, for its brilliantpearls are worthy to figure in the necklaces, bracelets,and crown of a Cleopatra. It will not be out of placeat the close of this narrative to say something of the shellswhich produce these pearls. Let us now come to thiselysian Hispaniola, and begin by explaining its name;after which we will describe its conformation, its harbours,climate, and conclude by the divisions of itsterritory.

We have spoken in our First Decade of the island ofMataninó, a word pronounced with the accent on the lastsyllable. Not to return too often to the same subject,Your Holiness will note the accent marking all thesenative words is placed where it should fall. It is claimedthat the first inhabitants of Hispaniola were islanders ofMataninó, who had been driven from that country byhostile factions and had arrived there in their canoes dugout of a single tree-trunk, by which I mean to say theirbarques. Thus did Dardanus arrive from Corythusand Teucer from Crete, in Asia, in the region later calledthe Trojade. Thus did the Tyrians and the Sidonians,under the leadership of the fabulous Dido, reach thecoasts of Africa. The people of Mataninó, expelled fromtheir homes, established themselves in that part of theisland of Hispaniola called Cahonao, upon the banks of ariver called Bahaboni. In like manner we read inRoman history that the Trojan Æneas, after he arrived inItaly, established himself on the banks of the Latin Tiber.There lies across the mouth of the river Bahaboni anisland where, according to tradition, these immigrantsbuilt their first house, calling it Camoteia. This placewas consecrated and henceforth regarded with greatveneration. Until the arrival of the Spaniards the nativesrendered it the homage of their continual gifts; the same aswe do Jerusalem, the cradle of our religion; or the Turks,Mecca, or the ancient inhabitants of the Fortunate Islesvenerated the summit of a high rock on the Grand Canary.Many of these latter, singing joyous canticles, threw themselvesdown from the summit of this rock, for their falsepriests had persuaded them that the souls of those whothrew themselves from the rock for the love of Tirana,were blessed, and destined to an eternity of delight. Theconquerors of the Fortunate Isles have found that practicestill in use in our own time, for the remembrance of thesesacrifices is preserved in the common language, and therock itself keeps its name. I have, moreover, recentlylearned that there still exists in those islands since theircolonisation by the Frenchman Bethencourt under theauthorisation of the King of Castile, a group of Bethencourt'speople, who still use the French language andcustoms. Nevertheless, his heirs, as I have above stated,sold the island to the Castilians, but the colonists who camewith Bethencourt built houses in the archipelago andprosperously maintained their families. They still livethere mixed with Spaniards and consider themselvesfortunate to be no longer exposed to the rigours of theFrench climate.

Let us now return to the people at Mataninó. Hispaniolawas first called by its early inhabitants Quizqueia,and afterwards Haiti. These names were not chosenat random, but were derived from natural features, forQuizqueia in their language means "something large" orlarger than anything, and is a synonym for universality,the whole; something in the sense that παν (pan) was usedamong the Greeks. The islanders really believed that theisland, being so great, comprised the entire universe,and that the sun warmed no other land than theirs andthe neighbouring islands. Thus they decided to call itQuizqueia. The name Haiti[1] in their language meansaltitude, and because it describes a part, was given to theentire island. The country rises in many places intolofty mountain-ranges, is covered with dense forests,or broken into profound valleys which, because of theheight of the mountains, are gloomy; everywhere else itis very agreeable.

[Note 1: Meaning in the Caribs' language mountainous. Columbus, as wehave mentioned, named the island Hispaniola, and it is so called in earlyAmerican history; but since 1803, the native name of Haiti or Haytihas been applied both to the entire island, and to one of the two statesinto which it is divided, the other state being called Santo Domingo.]

Permit at this point, Most Holy Father, a digression.Your Beatitude will no doubt ask with astonishmenthow it comes that such uncivilised men, destitute ofany knowledge of letters, have preserved for such a longtime the tradition of their origin. This has been possiblebecause from the earliest times, and chiefly in the housesof the caciques; the bovites, that is to say the wise men,have trained the sons of the caciques, teaching them theirpast history by heart. In imparting their teachingthey carefully distinguish two classes of studies; the firstis of a general interest, having to do with the successionof events; the second is of a particular interest, treating ofthe notable deeds accomplished in time of peace or timeof war by their fathers, grandfathers, great-grandfathers,and all their ancestors. Each one of these exploits iscommemorated in poems written in their language.These poems are called arreytos. As with us the guitarplayer, so with them the drummers accompany thesearreytos and lead singing choirs. Their drums are calledmaguay. Some of the arreytos are love songs, othersare elegies, and others are war songs; and each is sungto an appropriate air. They also love to dance, but theyare more agile than we are; first, because nothing pleasesthem better than dancing and, secondly, because they arenaked, and untrammelled by clothing. Some of the arreytoscomposed by their ancestors predicted our arrival, andthese poems resembling elegies lament their ruin. "Magnacochios[clothed men] shall disembark in the islandarmed with swords and with one stroke cut a man in two,and our descendants shall bend beneath their yoke."

I really am not very much astonished that their ancestorspredicted the slavery of their descendants, ifeverything told concerning their familiar relations withdevils is true. I discussed this subject at length in theninth book of my First Decade, when treating of thezemes, that is to say the idols they worship. Since theirzemes have been taken away the natives admit they nolonger see spectres; and our compatriots believe this isdue to the sign of the cross, with which they are allarmed when washed in the waters of baptism.

All the islanders attach great importance to know thefrontiers and limits of the different tribes. It is generallythe mitaines, that is to say nobles, as they are called, whoattend to this duty, and they are very skilful in measuringtheir properties and estates. The people have no otheroccupation than sowing and harvesting. They are skillfulfishermen, and every day during the whole year theydive into the streams, passing as much time in the wateras on land. They are not neglectful, however, of hunting,they have, as we have already said, utias, which resemblesmall rabbits, and iguana serpents, which I described inmy First Decade. These latter resemble crocodiles and areeight feet long, living on land and having a good flavour.Innumerable birds are found in all the islands: pigeons,ducks, geese, and herons. The parrots are as plentifulhere as sparrows amongst us. Each cacique assignsdifferent occupations to his different subjects, some beingsent hunting, others to fish, others to cultivate thefields. But let us return to the names.

We have already said that Quizqueia and Haiti are theancient names of the island. Some natives also call theisland Cipangu, from the name of a mountain range rich ingold. In like manner our poets have called Italy Latium,after one of its provinces, and our ancestors also called ItalyAusonia and Hesperia, just as these islanders have giventhe names Quizqueia, Haiti, and Cipangu to their country.In the beginning the Spaniards called the island Isabellaafter the Queen Isabella, taking this name from the firstcolony they founded there. I have already spoken sufficientlyof this in my First Decade. They afterwardscalled it Hispaniola, a diminutive of Hispania. This isenough concerning names; let us now pass to the conformationof the island.

The first explorers of the island have described it tome as resembling in form a chestnut leaf, split by a gulfon the western side opposite the island of Cuba; butthe captain, Andreas Morales, now gives me anotherand somewhat different description. He represents theisland as being cut into, at the eastern and westernextremities, by large gulfs,[2] having far extending pointsof land. He indicates large and secure harbours in thegulf facing eastwards. I will see to it that some day acopy of this map of Hispaniola be sent to Your Holiness,for Morales has drawn it in the same form asthose of Spain and Italy, which Your Holiness has oftenexamined, showing their mountains, valleys, rivers, towns,and colonies. Let us boldly compare Hispaniola toItaly, formerly the mistress of the universe. In point ofsize Hispaniola is a trifle smaller than Italy. According tothe statements of recent explorers, it extends five hundredand forty miles from east to west. As we have alreadynoticed in our First Decade, the Admiral had exaggeratedits length. In certain places the width of Hispaniolaextends to three hundred miles. It is narrower at thepoint where the land is prolonged in promontories, butit is much more favoured than Italy for, throughout thegreatest part of its extent, it enjoys such an agreeable climatethat neither the rigours of cold nor excessive heatsare known.[3] The two solstices are about equal to the equinoxes.There is only one hour of difference between dayand night, according as one lives on the southern or thenorthern coast of the island.

[Note 2: On the east is the gulf or bay of Samana, on the west that of Gonaires.]

[Note 3: The superficial area of Haiti is 77,255 square kilometres. Theclimatic conditions no longer correspond to Peter Martyr's descriptions,as there are four seasons, recognised, two rainy and two dry. In theupland, the temperature is invigorating and wholesome.]

In several parts of the island, however, cold does prevail;Your Holiness will understand that this is due to theposition of the mountain ranges, as I shall later demonstrate.The cold, however, is never sufficiently severe toinconvenience the islanders with snow. Perpetual springand perpetual autumn prevail in this fortunate island.During the entire year the trees are covered with leaves,and the prairies with grass. Everything in Hispaniolagrows in an extraordinary fashion. I have already relatedelsewhere that the vegetables, such as cabbages, lettuces,salads, radishes, and other similar plants, ripen within sixteendays, while pumpkins, melons, cucumbers, etc., requirebut thirty days. We have also stated that animals broughtfrom Spain, such as oxen, attain a greater size. Whendescribing the growth of these animals, it is claimed thatthe oxen resemble elephants and the pigs, mules; but thisis an exaggeration. Pork has an agreeable taste and iswholesome, because the pigs feed upon mirobolanes andother island fruits, which grow wild in the forests, justas in Europe they eat beech nuts, ilex berries, and acorns.Grape-vines also grow in an extraordinary fashion, despitethe absence of all attention. If any one chooses tosow wheat in a mountain region exposed to the cold, itflourishes wonderfully, but less so in the plain, becausethe soil is too fertile. To one unheard-of-thing peoplehave certified upon oath; that the ears are as thick roundas a man's arm and one palm in length, and that some ofthem contain as many as a thousand grains of wheat.The best bread found in the island is that made fromthe yucca, and is called cazabi. It is most digestible,and the yucca is cultivated and harvested in the greatestabundance and with great facility. Whatever free timeafterwards remains, is employed in seeking gold.

The quadrupeds are so numerous that already theexportation to Spain of horses and other animals and ofhides has begun; thus the daughter gives assistance inmany things to the mother. I have already elsewheregiven particulars concerning red wood, mastic, perfumes,green colouring material, cotton, amber, and many otherproducts of this island. What greater happiness couldone wish in this world than to live in a country wheresuch wonders are to be seen and enjoyed? Is there amore agreeable existence than that one leads in a countrywhere one is not forced to shut himself in narrow roomsto escape cold that chills or heat that suffocates? A landwhere it is not necessary to load the body with heavyclothing in winter, or to toast one's legs at a continual fire,a practice which ages people in the twinkling of the eye,exhausts their force, and provokes a thousand differentmaladies. The air of Hispaniola is stated to be salubrious,and the rivers which flow over beds of gold, wholesome.There are indeed no rivers nor mountains nor very fewvalleys where gold is not found. Let us close nowwith a brief description of the interior of this fortunateisland.

Hispaniola possesses four rivers, each flowing frommountain sources and dividing the island into fouralmost equal parts. One of these streams, the Iunna,flows east. Another, the Attibunicus, west; the third,the Naiba, south, and the fourth, the Iaccha, north.We have already related that Morales proposes a newdivision, by which the island would be divided into fivedistricts. We shall give to each of these little states itsancient name and shall enumerate whatever is worthyof note in each of them.

The most eastern district of the island belongs to theprovince of Caizcimu, and is thus called because cimumeans in their language the front or beginning of anything.Next come the provinces of Huhabo and Cahibo; thefourth is Bainoa, and the extreme western part belongsto the province of Guaccaiarima; but that of Bainoa islarger than the three preceding ones. Caizcimu extendsfrom the point of the island as far as the river Hozama,which flows by Santo Domingo, the capital. Its northernborder is marked by precipitous mountains,[4] which onaccount of their steepness especially bear the name ofHaiti. The province of Huhabo lies between the mountainsof Haiti and the Iacaga River. The third provinceCahibo, includes all the country lying between theCubaho and the Dahazio rivers as far as the mouth ofIaccha, one of the rivers dividing the islands into fourequal parts. This province extends to the CibaoMountains, where much gold is found. In these mountainsrises the River Demahus. The province also extendsto the sources of the Naiba River, the third of the fourstreams and the one which flows south, towards the otherbank of the Santo Domingo River.

[Note 4: Now called Sierra de Monte Cristo, of which the loftiest peak, TomaDiego Campo, is 1220 metres high.]

Bainoa begins at the frontier of Cahibo, and extends asfar as the island of Cahini, almost touching the northcoast of Hispaniola at the place where the colony wasonce founded. The remainder of the island along thewest coast forms the province of Guaccaiarima, thuscalled because it is the extremity of the island. Theword Iarima means a flea. Guaccaiarima means, therefore,the flea of the island; Gua being the article in theirlanguage. There are very few of their names, particularlythose of kings which do not begin with this article gua.,such as Guarionex and Guaccanarillus; and the sameapplies to many names of places.

The districts or cantons of Caizcimu are Higuey, Guanama,Reyre, Xagua, Aramana, Arabo, Hazoa, Macorix,Caicoa, Guiagua, Baguanimabo, and the rugged mountainsof Haiti. Let us remark in this connection that there areno aspirates pronounced in Hispaniola, as amongst theLatin peoples. In the first place, in all their words theaspirate produces the effect of a consonant, and is moreprolonged than the consonant f, amongst us. Nor is itpronounced by pressing the under lip against the upperteeth. On the contrary the mouth is opened wide, ha, he,hi, ho, hu. I know that the Jews and the Arabs pronouncetheir aspirates in the same way, and the Spaniards dolikewise with words they have taken from the Arabswho were for a long time their masters. These wordsare sufficiently numerous; almohada = a pillow; almohaza =a horse-comb, and other similar words, which are pronouncedby holding the breath. I insist upon this pointbecause it often happens among the Latins that anaspirate changes the significance of a word; thus horameans a division of the day, ora which is the plural of os,the mouth, and ora meaning region, as in the phraseTrojae qui primus ab oris. The sense changes accordingto the accent: occīdo and occĭdo. It is consequentlynecessary to heed the accents and not neglect the aspiratein speaking the language of these simple people. I havespoken above about the accent and the article gua.

The cantons of the province of Hubabo are Xamana,Canabaco, Cubao, and others whose names I do notknow. The cantons of Magua and Cacacubana belongto the province of Cahibo. The natives in this provincespeak an entirely different language from thatspoken by the other islanders; they are called Macoryzes.In the canton of Cubana another language resemblingnone of the others is spoken; it is likewise used in thecanton of Baiohaigua. The other cantons of Cahiboare Dahaboon, Cybaho, Manabaho, Cotoy, the lastbeing situated in the centre of the island and traversedby the Nizaus River, and finally the mountains Mahaitin,Hazua, and Neibaymao.

Bainoa, the fourth province has the following dependentcantons: Maguana, Iagohaiucho, Bauruco, Dabaigua,and Attibuni which takes this name from the river;Caunoa, Buiaz, Dahibonici, Maiaguarite, Atiec, Maccazina,Guahabba, Anninici, Marien, Guarricco, Amaquei,Xaragua, Yaguana, Azzuei, Iacchi, Honorucco, Diaguo,Camaie, Neibaimao. In the last province, Guaccaiarima,lie the cantons of Navicarao, Guabaqua, Taquenazabo,Nimaca, Little Bainoa, Cahaymi, Ianaizi, Manabaxao,Zavana, Habacoa, and Ayqueroa.

Let us now give some particulars concerning the cantonsthemselves: the first gulf[5] found in the province ofCaizcimu cuts into a rock where it has worn an immensecave situated at the foot of a lofty mountain about twostadia from the sea. Its vast arched entrance resemblesthe gates of a great temple. In obedience to an orderfrom the government, Morales tried to enter this cavernwith the ships. Several streams come together therethrough unknown channels, as in a drain. It usedto be a mystery what became of a number of riversninety miles long, which suddenly disappeared underthe earth never to be seen again. It is thought theyare in some fashion swallowed up in the depths of therocky mountain, continuing their underground course tillthey reach this cavern. Having succeeded in enteringthe cave, Morales was very nearly drowned. He reportsthat inside there are whirlpools and currents in incessantconflict, upon which his barque was tossed to and frolike a ball, amidst the horrible roar of the whirlpoolsand currents around him. He regretted having come,but could find no way to get out. He and his companionsdrifted about in the obscurity, not only because of thedarkness prevailing in the cavern, which extends intothe depths of the mountains, but also because of theperpetual mist rising from the constantly agitated waters,and resolving itself into damp vapours. Morales comparedthe noise of these waters to that of the falls of theNile where it pours forth from the mountains of Ethiopia.Both he and his companions were so deafened they couldnot hear one another speak. He finally succeeded infinding the exit, and emerged from the cavern, trembling,feeling that he had left the infernal regions and returnedto the upper world.[6]

[Note 5: The gulf of Samana; its extent is 1300 square kilometres.]

[Note 6: Evasit tandem pavidus de antro, veluti de Tartaro, putans rediisse adsuperos.]

About sixty miles from Santo Domingo the capital, thehorizon is shut in by lofty mountains, upon whose summitlies an inaccessible lake, to which no road leads. Noneof the colonists have visited it because of the steepnessof the mountain. In obedience to the governor'sorders Morales, taking a neighbouring cacique for hisguide, ascended the mountain and found the lake. Hereports that it was very cold there and, as a proof ofthe low temperature, he brought back some ferns andbrambles, plants which do not grow in warm countries.The mountains are called Ymizui Hybahaino. The watersof the lake, which is three miles in circumference, arefull of various kinds of fish. It is fed by several streams,and has no outlet, for it is surrounded on all sides bylofty peaks.

Let us now say a few words about another, Caspianor Hyrcanian sea (by which I mean a sea surrounded byland), and other fresh-water lakes.

BOOK VIII

The province of Bainoa, which is three times thesize of the three provinces of Caizcimu, Huhabo,and Caihabon, embraces the valley of Caionani,in the midst of which there is a salt lake[1] of bitter,distasteful water, similar to what we read of the CaspianSea. I will therefore call it Caspian, although it is notin Hyrcania. There are depths in this lake from whichthe salty waters pour forth and are absorbed in the mountains.These caverns are supposed to be so vast and sodeep that even the largest sea-fish pass through theminto the lake.

[Note 1: The lagune of Enriquillo on the plains of Neyba.]

Amongst these fish is the shark, which cuts a man in twowith one bite and swallows him. These sharks come upfrom the sea by the Hozama River which flows past thecapital of the island. They devour numbers of natives,since nothing will prevent the latter from bathing andwashing themselves in the river. Many streams flowinto the lake; the Guaninicabon, which flows from thenorth, is salt; the Haccoce flows from the south, the Guannabifrom the east, and the Occoa from the west. Theseare the most important of the rivers and are always full.Besides them, a score of smaller ones also fall into thisCaspian Sea. Not more than a stadium distant and onits northern shore are about two hundred springs, arrangedin the form of a circle, from which fresh, potable watergushes forth, forming an impassable stream, which mingleswith the others in the lake.

The cacique of that country finding his wife at prayerone day in a chapel built by the Christians in his territory,wished to have intercourse with her; but the wife, allegingthe holiness of the spot refused, speaking as follows,Tei toca, tei toca, which means "Be quiet"; Techeta cynatoguamechyna which signifies "God would be displeased."The cacique was very much vexed by this Techeta cynatoguamechyna, and with a menacing gesture of his arm said,Guayva, which means "Get out," Cynato machabuchaguamechyna, meaning, "What matters to me the anger ofyour God?" With which he overpowered his wife, butwas struck dumb on the spot and half lost the use of hisarm. Impressed by this miracle and overcome withrepentance, he lived the rest of his life as a religious,and would not allow the chapel to be swept or decoratedby other hands than his own. This miracle made agreat impression upon many of the natives and uponall the Christians, and the chapel was frequented andrespected by them. As for the cacique, he submissivelyendured without complaint the punishment for his insult.But let us return to the Caspian Sea.

This salt lake is swept by hurricanes and storms, so thatthe fishermen's boats are often in danger and frequentlysink with all on board. Nor has any drowned body everbeen found floating upon the waters or thrown upon theshore, as happens with those engulfed by the sea. Thesestorms provide generous banquets for the sharks. Thenatives call this Caspian Sea, Haguygabon. In themidst of it lies a sterile island called Guarizacca, whichserves as a refuge for fishermen. The lake is thirtymiles long and twelve or, perhaps, even fifteen broad.

Another lake lies in the same plain and quite near tothe former, of which the waters are bitter-sweet,[2] thatis to say they are not pleasant to drink, but may be drunkin case of absolute necessity. It is twenty-five mileslong by nine or ten broad, and is fed by a number ofrivers. It has no outlet, and the water from the sea alsoreaches it, though in a small quantity; this accounts forits brackish waters. The third fresh-water lake, calledPainagua, exists in the same province. It lies notvery far to the west of the Caspian Sea. North of thissame Caspian lies a fourth lake, of small importance, sinceit measures but four miles in length and a little morethan one in width; it is called Guacca, and its waters arepotable. South of the Caspian a fifth lake, calledBabbareo is found; it is almost circular and about threemiles in length. Its waters are fresh like those of theother two. As it has no outlet and its waters are notsucked down into caverns, it overflows its banks whenswollen by torrents. Lake Babbareo lies in the Zamanadistrict of the province of Bainoa. There is still anotherlake called Guanyban, near by and south-west of the Caspian;it is ten miles long and nearly round. Throughoutthe island are numerous other small lakes, which we do notmention for fear of being tiresome by too much insistenceon the same subject. Nevertheless there is one moreparticular concerning the lakes and this is the last: Allof them are full of fish, and support many birds.They are situated in an immense valley which extendsfrom east to west for a distance of one hundred and twentymiles and a breadth, at the narrowest point of eighteenand at the broadest, of twenty-five miles. As one lookswest the mountain chain of Duiguni borders this valleyon the left, and on the right rises the range of Caigun,which gives its name to the valley at its base. Upon thenorthern slope begins another valley larger than theformer, for it extends a distance of two hundred milesand a breadth of thirty miles at the broadest, andtwenty miles at the narrowest part. This valley is calledMaguana and sometimes Iguaniu or Hathathiei. Sincewe have mentioned this part of the valley called Atici,we must make a digression to introduce a miraculoussea fish.

[Note 2: Lago de Fondo ... aquarum salsodulcium ....]

A certain cacique of the region, Caramatexius by name,was very fond of fishing. Upon one occasion a youngfish of the gigantic species called by the natives manatiwas caught in his nets. I think this species of monsterin unknown in our seas. It is shaped like a turtle andhas four feet, but is covered with scales instead of shell.Its skin is so tough that it fears nothing from arrows,for it is protected by a thousand points. This amphibiouscreature has a smooth back, a head resembling that of abull, and is tame rather than fierce. Like the elephant orthe dolphin, it likes the companionship of men and isvery intelligent. The cacique fed this young fish forseveral days with yucca bread, millet, and the roots thenatives eat. While it was still young, he put it in a lakenear to his house, as in a fish-pond. This lake, which hadbeen called Guaurabo. was henceforth called Manati.For twenty-five years this fish lived at liberty in the watersof the lake, and grew to an extraordinary size. All thathas been told about the lake of Baiæ or the dolphins ofArion is not to be compared with the stories of this fish.They gave it the name of Matu, meaning generous ornoble, and whenever one of the king's attendants,specially known by him, called from the bank Matu,Matu, the fish, remembering favours received, raised itshead and came towards the shore to eat from the man'shand. Anyone who wished to cross the lake merely madea sign and the fish advanced to receive him on its back.One day it carried ten men altogether on its back,transporting them safely, while they sang and playedmusical instruments. If it perceived a Christian whenit raised its head it dived under water and refused toobey. This was because it had once been beaten by apeevish young Christian, who threw a sharp dart at thisamiable and domesticated fish. The dart did it noharm because of the thickness of its skin, which is allrough and covered with points, but the fish never forgotthe attack, and from that day forth every time it heardits name called, it first looked carefully about to seeif it beheld anybody dressed like the Christians. Itloved to play upon the bank with the servants of thecacique, and especially with the young son who was inthe habit of feeding it. It was more amusing than amonkey. This manati was for long a joy to the wholeisland, and many natives and Christians daily visitedthis animal.

It is said that the flesh of manatis is of good flavour,and they are found in great numbers in the waters ofthe island. The manati Matu finally disappeared. Itwas carried out to sea by the Attibunico, one of the fourrivers which divide the island into equal parts, during aninundation accompanied by horrible typhoons which theislanders call hurricanes. The Attibunico overflowedits banks and inundated the entire valley, mingling itswaters with those of all the lakes. The good, clever,sociable Matu, following the tide of the torrent, rejoinedits former mother and the waters of its birth; it has neversince been seen. But enough of this digression.

Let us now describe this valley. The valley of Aticiis bordered by the Cibao and Cayguana Mountains,which enclose it in a southerly direction to the sea.Beyond the mountains of Cibao towards the north thereopens another valley called the Guarionexius, because ithas always belonged, from father to son and by hereditaryright, to the caciques called Guarionexius. I have alreadyspoken at length about this cacique in my first writingson Hispaniola and in my First Decade. This valley is onehundred and ninety miles long from east to west, andbetween thirty and fifty miles broad at its widest part.It begins at the district of Canabocoa, crosses the provincesof Huhabo and Cahibo, and ends in the province of Bainoaand in the district of Mariena. Along its borders extendthe mountains of Cibao, Cahanao, Cazacubana. Thereis not a province or a district in it which is not noteworthyfor the majesty of its mountains, the fertility of its valleys,the forests upon its hills, or the number of rivers wateringit. Upon the slopes of all the mountains and hills, andin the river beds, gold in abundance is found; and in thelatter, fish of delicious flavour; only one is to be excepted,which from its source in the mountains to the sea is perpetuallysalt. This river is called Bahaun, and flowsthrough Maguana, a district of the province of Bainoa.It is thought that this river passes through chalk andsaline strata, of which there are many in the island, andof which I shall later speak more fully.

We have noted that Hispaniola may be divided intofour or five parts, by rivers or by provinces. Still anotherdivision may be made; the entire island might be dividedby the four mountain chains which cut it in two fromeast to west. Everywhere there is wealth, and gold iseverywhere found. From the caverns and gorges ofthese mountains pour forth all the streams which traversethe island. There are frightful caves, dark valleys, andarid rocks, but no dangerous animal has ever been found;neither lion, nor bear, nor fierce tiger, nor crafty fox, norsavage wolf. Everything thereabouts speaks of happinessand will do so still more, Most Holy Father, when allthese thousands of people shall be gathered among thesheep of your flock, and those devil images, the zemes,shall have been banished.

You must not be vexed, Most Holy Father, if from timeto time in the course of my narrative I repeat certainparticulars, or allow myself some digressions. I feelmyself carried away by a sort of joyous mental excitement,a kind of Delphic or Sibylline breath, when I read of thesethings; and I am, as it were, forced to repeat the same fact,especially when I realise to what an extent the propagationof our religion is involved. Yet amidst all these marvelsand fertility, there is one point which causes me smallsatisfaction; these simple, naked natives were littleaccustomed to labour, and the immense fatigues they nowsuffer, labouring in the mines, is killing them in greatnumbers and reducing the others to such a state of despairthat many kill themselves, or refuse to procreate theirkind. It is alleged that the pregnant women take drugsto produce abortion, knowing that the children they bearwill become the slaves of the Christians. Although aroyal decree has declared all the islanders to be free,they are forced to work more than is fit for free men.The number of these unfortunate people diminishesin an extraordinary fashion. Many people claim thatthey formerly numbered more than twelve millions;how many there are to-day I will not venture to say, somuch am I horrified.[3] Let us finish with this sad subjectand return to the charms of this admirable Hispaniola.

[Note 3: The Brevissima Relacion de la Destruycion de las Indias, of Fray B.de las Casas, contains the most crushing indictment of Spanish colonialgovernment ever penned. When every allowance has been made for theapostolic, or even the fanatical zeal, with which Las Casas defended hisprotégés and denounced their tormentors, the case against the Spanishcolonists remains one of the blackest known to history. Just what thenative population of Haiti and Cuba originally numbered is hardlyascertainable; twelve millions is doubtless an excessive estimate; butwithin twenty-five years of the discovery of America, the islanders werereduced to 14,000. Between 1507 and 1513 their numbers fell from 14,000to 4000, and by 1750 not one remained. Consult Fabié, Vida y Escritosde Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas (Madrid, 1879); MacNutt, Bartholomewde las Casas, his Life, his Apostolate, and his Writings, New York, 1910.]

In the mountains of Cibao, which are situated in aboutthe centre of the island, and in the province of Cahibowhere we have said the most gold was found, there lies adistrict called Cotohi. It is amongst the clouds, completelyenclosed by mountain chains, and its inhabitantsare numerous. It consists of a large plateau twenty-fivemiles in length and fifteen in breadth; and this plateaulies so high above the other mountains that the peaks surroundingit appear to give birth to the lesser mountains.Four seasons may be counted on this plateau: spring,summer, autumn, and winter; and the plants there wither,the trees lose their leaves and the fields dry up. Thisdoes not happen in the rest of the island, which onlyknows spring-time and autumn. Ferns, grass, and berrybushes grow there, furnishing undeniable proof of thecold temperature. Nevertheless the country is agreeableand the cold is not severe, for the natives do not sufferfrom it, nor are there snow storms., As a proof of thefertility of the soil it is alleged that the stalks of the fernsare thicker than javelins. The neighbouring mountainsidescontain rich gold deposits but these mines will notbe exploited because of the cold, which would make itnecessary to give clothing even to those miners who areaccustomed to that labour.

The natives are satisfied with very little; they aredelicate and could not endure winter, for they live in theopen air. Two rivers traverse this region, flowing fromthe high mountains which border it. The first, calledComoiaixa, flows towards the west and loses its namewhere it empties into the Naiba. The second, called theTirechetus, flows east and empties into the Iunna.

When I passed the island of Crete on my journey tothe Sultan,[4] the Venetians told me that there was asimilar region on the summit of Mount Ida; this region,more than the rest of the island, produces a better wheatcrop. Protected by the impassable roads which led tothese heights, the Cretans revolted, and for a long timemaintained an armed independence against the Senateof Venice. Finally, when weary of fighting, they decidedto submit, and the Senate decreed their country shouldremain a desert. All avenues leading to it were guardedso that no one could go there without its consent.

[Note 4: De Legatione Babylonica.]

It was in that same year, 1502, that the Venetians againpermitted this district to be cultivated, but by labourersincapable of using arms.

There is a district in Hispaniola called Cotoy, lyingbetween the provinces of Huhabo and Cahibo. It is asterile country having mountains, valleys, and plains, andis sparsely inhabited. Gold is found there in quantities,but instead of being in the form of ingots or grains, it is insolid masses of pure metal, deposited in beds of soft stonein the crevices of the rocks. The veins are discoveredby breaking the rocks, and one such may be compared toa living tree, as from its root or starting-point it sendsforth branches through the soft pores and open passages,right up to the summit of the mountains, never stoppingtill it reaches the surface of the earth. Bathed in thesplendour of the atmosphere it brings forth its fruit,consisting of grains and nuggets. These grains andnuggets are afterwards washed away by the heavy rainsand swept down the mountain, like all heavy bodies, tobe disseminated throughout the entire island. It isthought the metal is not produced at the place where itis found, especially if that be in the open or in the riverbeds. The root of the golden tree seems always to reachdown towards the centre of the earth, growing alwayslarger; for the deeper one digs in the bowels of the mountainthe larger are the grains of gold unearthed. Thebranches of the golden tree are in some places as slenderas a thread, while others are as thick as a finger, accordingto the dimensions of the crevices. It sometimes happensthat pockets full of gold are found; these being the crevicesthrough which the branches of the golden tree pass.When these pockets are filled with the output from thetrunk, the branch pushes on in search of another outlettowards the earth's surface. It is often stopped by thesolid rock, but in other fissures it seems, in a manner, tobe fed from the vitality of the roots.

You will ask me, Most Holy Father, what quantity ofgold is produced in this island. Each year Hispaniolaalone sends between four and five hundred thousandgold ducats to Spain. This is known from the fact thatthe royal fifth produces eighty, ninety, or a hundredthousand castellanos of gold, and sometimes even more.I shall explain later on what may be expected from Cubaand the island of San Juan, which are equally rich in gold.But we have spoken enough about gold; let us nowpass on to salt, with which whatever we buy with goldis seasoned.

In a district of the province of Bainoa in the mountainsof Daiagon, lying twelve miles from the salt lake of theCaspian, are mines of rock salt, whiter and more brilliantthan crystal, and similar to the salts which so enrichthe province of Laletania, otherwise called Catalonia,belonging to the Duke of Cardona, who is the chief nobleof that region. People, in a position to compare the two,consider the salts of Bainoa the richer. It seems that itis necessary to use iron tools for mining the salt in Catalonia.It also crumbles very easily as I know by experience,nor is it harder than spongy stone. The salt of Bainoais as hard as marble. In the province of Caizcimu andthroughout the territories of Iguanama, Caiacoa, andQuatiaqua springs of exceptional character are found.At the surface their waters are fresh, a little deeper downthey are salty and at the bottom they are heavily chargedwith salt. It is thought that the salt sea-water partiallyfeeds them, and that the fresh waters on the surfaceflow from the mountains through subterranean passages.The salt-waters, therefore, remain at the bottom whilethe others rise to the surface, and the former are notsufficiently strong to entirely corrupt the latter. Thewaters of the middle strata are formed by a mixture ofthe two others, and share the characteristics of both.

By placing one's ear to the ground near the opening of oneof these springs it is easily perceived that the earth is hollowunderneath, for one may hear the steps of a horseman adistance of three miles and a man on foot a distance ofone mile. It is said there is a district of savana in themost westerly province of Guaccaiarima, inhabited bypeople who only live in caverns and eat nothing butthe products of the forest. They have never beencivilised nor had any intercourse with any other racesof men. They live, so it is said, as people did in thegolden age, without fixed homes or crops or culture;neither do they have a definite language. They areseen from time to time, but it has never been possibleto capture one, for if, whenever they come, they see anybodyother than natives approaching them, they escapewith the celerity of a deer. They are said to be quickerthan French dogs.

Give ear, Most Holy Father, to a very amusing exploitof one of these savages. The Spaniards own cultivatedfields along the edge of the woods and thick forests,which some of them went to visit, as though on a pleasuretrip, in the month of September, 1514. All at once oneof these dumb men suddenly emerged from the woodsand smilingly picked up from the very midst of theChristians a young boy, son of the owner of the field,whose wife was a native. The savage fled, making signsthat the people should follow him, so several Spaniards anda number of naked natives ran after the robber, without,however, being able to catch him. As soon as the facetioussavage perceived the Spaniards had given up thepursuit, he left the child at a crossroads where the swineherdspass driving herds to pasture. One of these swineherdsrecognised the child and taking it in his armsbrought it back to the father, who had been in despair,thinking this savage belonged to the Carib race, andmourning the child as dead.

Pitch, of a quality much harder and more bitter than thatobtained from trees, is found on the reefs of Hispaniola.It consequently serves better to protect ships against thegnawings of the worms called bromas, of which I haveelsewhere spoken at length. There are likewise two pitch-producingtrees; one is the pine, and the other is calledcopeo. I shall say nothing about pines, for they groweverywhere; but let us speak a little about the copeotree, and give a few details about the pitch and the fruitit produces. The pitch is obtained in the same manneras from pine-trees, though it is described as being gathereddrop by drop from the burning wood. As for the fruit, itis as small as a plum and quite good to eat; but it is thefoliage of the trees which possesses a very special quality.It is believed that this tree is the one whose leaves wereused by the Chaldeans, the first inventors of writing,to convey their ideas to the absent before paper wasinvented. The leaf is as large as a palm and almostround. Using a needle or pin, or a sharp iron or woodenpoint, characters are traced upon it as easily as upon paper.

It is laughable to consider what the Spaniards havetold the natives concerning these leaves. These goodpeople believe the leaves speak in obedience to the commandof the Spaniards. An islander had been sent bya Spaniard of Santo Domingo, the capital of Hispaniola,to one of his friends living in the interior of the colony.The messenger likewise carried some roasted utias which,as we have said, are rabbits. On the way, whetherfrom hunger or greediness, he ate three; these animalsnot being larger than rats. The friend wrote upon oneof these leaves what he had received. "Well, my man,"the master then said, "you are a fine lad in whom to putconfidence! So you have been so greedy as to eat theutias I gave you?" Trembling and amazed the nativeconfessed his fault, but asked his master how he haddiscovered it. The Spaniard replied: "The leaf which youyourself have brought me has told me everything. Moreover,you reached my friend's house at such an hourand you left it at such another." In this way our peopleamuse themselves by mystifying these poor islanders,who think they are gods, with power to make the veryleaves reveal what they believe to be secret. Thus thenews spread through the island that the leaves speak inresponse to a sign from the Spaniards; and this obligesthe islanders to be very careful of whatever is confidedto them. Both sides of these leaves may be used forwriting, just as is the case with our paper. Such a leafis thicker than a piece of paper folded in two, and isextraordinarily tough; so much so that when it is freshlyplucked, the letters stand out white upon a green ground,but when it dries it becomes white and hard like a pieceof wood, and then these characters change to yellow; butthey remain indelible until it is burnt, never disappearing,even when the leaf is wet.

There is another tree called the hagua, whose fruitwhen green exudes a juice which dyes so fast everythingit touches a greenish black, that no washingcan destroy this colour within twenty days. Whenthe fruit ripens the juice no longer has this quality; itbecomes edible and has a pleasant taste. There is anherb also, whose smoke produces death, like the woodwhich we have mentioned. Some caciques had decidedto kill the Spaniards; but not daring to attack themopenly, they planned to place numerous bunches of thisherb in their houses and set fire to them, so that theSpaniards, who came to extinguish the flames, wouldbreathe in the smoke with the germs of a fatal malady.This plot, however, was circumvented and the instigatorsof the crime were punished.

Since Your Holiness has deigned to write that youare interested in everything related concerning the newcontinent, let us now insert, irrespective of method,a number of facts. We have sufficiently explained howmaize, agoes, yucca, potatoes, and other edible roots aresown, cultivated, and used. But we have not yet relatedhow the Indians learned the properties of these plants;and it is that which we shall now explain.

BOOK IX

It is said that the early inhabitants of the islandssubsisted for a long time upon roots and palms andmagueys. The maguey[1] is a plant belonging to theclass vulgarly called evergreen.

[Note 1: ... magueiorum quæ est herba, sedo sive aizoo, quam vulgus sempervivamappellat, similis. (Jovis-barba, joubarbe, etc.)]

The roots of guiega are round like those of our mushrooms,and somewhat larger. The islanders also eatguaieros, which resemble our parsnips; cibaios, which arelike nuts; cibaioés and macoanes, both similar to the onion,and many other roots. It is related that some yearslater, a bovite, i.e., a learned old man, having remarkeda shrub similar to fennel growing upon a bank, transplantedit and developed therefrom a garden plant. Theearliest islanders, who ate raw yucca, died early; but asthe taste is exquisite, they resolved to try using it indifferent ways; boiled or roasted this plant is less dangerous.It finally came to be understood that the juice waspoisonous; extracting this juice, they made from thecooked flour cazabi, a bread better suited to humanstomachs than wheat bread, because it is more easilydigested. The same was the case with other food stuffsand maize, which they chose amongst the natural products.Thus it was that Ceres discovered barley andother cereals amongst the seeds, mixed with slime, broughtdown by the high Nile from the mountains of Ethiopiaand deposited on the plain when the waters receded,and propagated their culture.

For having thus indicated the seeds to be cultivated,the ancients rendered her divine honours. There arenumerous varieties of agoes, distinguishable by theirleaves and flowers. One of these species is called guanagax;both inside and out, it is of a whitish colour. Theguaragua is violet inside and white outside; anotherspecies of agoes is zazaveios, red outside and white inside.Quinetes are white inside and red outside. The turmais purplish, the hobos yellowish and the atibunieixhas a violet skin and a white pulp. The aniguamaris likewise violet outside and white inside and theguaccaracca is just the reverse; white outside and violetinside. There are many other varieties, upon which wehave not yet received any report.

I am aware that in enumerating these species I shallprovoke envious people, who will laugh when my writingsreach them, at my sending such minute particulars toYour Holiness, who is charged with such weighty interestsand on whose shoulders rests the burden of thewhole Christian world. I would like to know from theseenvious, whether Pliny and the other sages famous fortheir science sought, in communicating similar detailsto the powerful men of their day, to be useful only tothe princes with whom they corresponded. They mingledtogether obscure reports and positive knowledge, greatthings and small, generalities and details; to the end thatposterity might, equally with the princes, learn everythingtogether, and also in the hope that those who cravedetails and are interested in novelties, might be able todistinguish between different countries and regions,the earth's products, national customs, and the natureof things. Let therefore the envious laugh at the painsI have taken; for my part, I shall laugh, not at theirignorance, envy, and laziness, but at their deplorablecleverness, pitying their passions and recommendingthem to the serpents from which envy draws its venom.

If I may believe what has been reported to me fromYour Holiness by Galeazzo Butrigario and GiovanniRuffo, Archbishop of Cosenza, who are the nunzios ofyour apostolic chair, I am certain that these details willplease you. They are the latest trappings with whichI have dressed, without seeking to decorate them, admirablethings; indications merely and not descriptions;but you will not reject them. It will repay me to haveburned the midnight oil in your interest, that the recollectionof these discoveries may not be lost. Each takesthe money that suits his purse. When a sheep or a pigis cut up, nothing of it remains by evening; for oneman has taken the shoulder, another the rump, anotherthe neck, and there are even some who like the tripesand the feet. But enough of this digression on thesubject of envious men and their fury; let us ratherdescribe how the caciques congratulate their fellowswhen a son is born; and how they shape the beginningof their existence to its end, and why every one of themis pleased to bear several names.

When a child is born, all the caciques and neighboursassemble and enter the mother's chamber. The first toarrive salutes the child and gives it a name, and those whofollow do likewise; "Hail, brilliant lamp," says one;"Hail, thou shining one," says another; or perhaps"Conqueror of enemies," "Valiant hero," "More resplendentthan gold," and so on. In this wise theRomans bore the titles of their parents and ancestors:Adiabenicus, Particus, Armenicus, Dacicus, Germanicus.The islanders do the same, in adopting the namesgiven them by the caciques. Take, for instance, BeuchiosAnacauchoa, the ruler of Xaragua, of whom andhis sister, the prudent Anacaona, I have already spokenat length in my First Decade. Beuchios Anacauchoa wasalso called Tareigua Hobin, which means "prince resplendentas copper." So likewise Starei, which means"shining"; Huibo, meaning "haughtiness"; Duyheiniquem,meaning a "rich river." Whenever Beuchios Anacauchoapublishes an order, or makes his wishes known by heralds'proclamation, he takes great care to have all these namesand forty more recited. If, through carelessness or neglect,a single one were omitted, the cacique would feel himselfgrievously outraged; and his colleagues share this view.

Let us now examine their peculiar practices whendrawing up their last wills. The caciques choose as heirto their properties, the eldest son of their sister, if such aone exists; and if the eldest sister has no son, the child ofthe second or third sister is chosen. The reason is, thatthis child is bound to be of their blood. They do notconsider the children of their wives as legitimate. Whenthere are no children of their sisters, they choose amongstthose of their brothers, and failing these, they fall backupon their own. If they themselves have no children,they will their estates to whomsoever in the island isconsidered most powerful, that their subjects may beprotected by him against their hereditary enemies.They have as many wives as they choose, and after thecacique dies the most beloved of his wives is buried withhim. Anacaona, sister of Beuchios Anacauchoa, Kingof Xaragua, who was reputed to be talented in the compositionof areytos, that is to say poems, caused to beburied alive with her brother the most beautiful of hiswives or concubines, Guanahattabenecheuà; and shewould have buried others but for the intercession of acertain sandal-shod Franciscan friar, who happened tobe present. Throughout the whole island there was notto be found another woman so beautiful as Guanahattabenecheuà.They buried with her her favourite necklacesand ornaments, and in each tomb a bottle of waterand a morsel of cazabi bread were deposited.

There is very little rain either in Xaragua, the kingdomof Beuchios Anacauchoa, or in the Hazua district of thecountry called Caihibi; also in the valley of the salt- andfresh-water lakes and in Yacciu, a district or canton of theprovince of Bainoa. In all these countries are ancientditches, by means of which the islanders irrigate theirfields as intelligently as did the inhabitants of New Carthage,called Spartana, or those of the kingdom of Murcia,where it rarely rains. The Maguana divides the provincesof Bainoa from that of Caihibi, while the Savana dividesit from Guaccaiarima. In the deeper valleys there is aheavier rainfall than the natives require, and the neighbourhoodof Santo Domingo is likewise better wateredthan is necessary, but everywhere else the rainfall ismoderate. The same variations of temperature prevailin Hispaniola as in other countries.

I have enumerated in my First Decade the colonies establishedin Hispaniola by the Spaniards, and since thattime they have founded the small towns of Porto de laPlata, Porto Real, Lares, Villanova, Assua, and Salvatiera.Let us now describe these of the innumerable neighbouringislands which are known and which we have alreadycompared to the Nereids, daughters of Tethys, and theirmother's ornament. I shall begin with the nearest one,which is remarkable because of another fountain ofArethusa, but which serves no purpose. Six miles distantfrom the coast of the mother island lies an isle whichthe Spaniards, ignoring its former name, call Dos Arboles[Two Trees], because only two trees grow there. It isnear them that a spring, whose waters flow by secretchannels under the sea from Hispaniola, gushes forth,just as Alpheus left Eridus to reappear in Sicily at thefountain of Arethusa. This fact is established by thefinding of leaves of the hobis, mirobolane, and many othertrees growing in Hispaniola, which are carried thitherby the stream of this fountain, for no such trees are foundon the smaller island. This fountain takes its rise in theYiamiroa River, which flows from the Guaccaiarimadistrict near the Savana country. The isle is not more thanone mile in circumference, and is used as a fish market.

Towards the east, our Tethys is protected in a mannerby the island of San Juan,[2] which I have elsewheredescribed. San Juan has rich gold deposits, and its soilis almost as fertile as that of its mother, Hispaniola.Colonists have already been taken there, and are engagedin gold-seeking. On the north-west Tethys is shieldedby the great island of Cuba, which for a long time wasregarded as a continent because of its length. It is muchlonger than Hispaniola, and is divided in the middle fromeast to west by the Tropic of Cancer. Hispaniola and theother islands lying to the south of Cuba occupy almostthe whole intervening space between the Tropic of Cancerand the equator. This is the zone which many of theancients believed to be depopulated because of the fierceheat of the sun: in which opinion they were mistaken.It is claimed that mines, richer than those of Hispaniola,have been found in Cuba and at the present writingit is asserted that gold to the value of one hundred andeighty thousand castellanos has been obtained there andconverted into ingots; certainly a positive proof ofopulence.

[Note 2: Porto Rico.]

Jamaica lies still farther to the south and is a prosperous,fertile island, of exceptional fecundity, in which,however, there does not exist a single mountain. Itis adapted to every kind of cultivation. Its inhabitantsare formidable because of their warlike temperament.It is impossible to establish authority within the briefperiod since its occupation. Columbus, the first discoverer,formerly compared Jamaica to Sicily in point ofsize, but as a matter of fact it is somewhat smaller, thoughnot much. This is the opinion of those who have carefullyexplored it. All these people agree as to its invitingcharacter. It is believed that neither gold nor preciousstones will be found there; but in the beginning the sameopinion was held of Cuba.

The island of Guadaloupe, formerly called by thenatives Caraqueira, lies south of Hispaniola, four degreesnearer to the equator. It is thirty-five miles in circumferenceand its coast line is broken by two gulfs, whichalmost divide it into two different islands, as is the casewith Great Britain and Caledonia, now called Scotland.It has numerous ports. A kind of gum called by theapothecaries animen album, whose fumes cure headaches,is gathered there. The fruit of this tree is one palm longand looks like a carrot. When opened it is found to containa sweetish flour, and the islanders preserve these fruitsjust as our peasants lay by a store of chestnuts and othersimilar things for the winter. The tree itself might be afig-tree. The edible pineapple and other foods which Ihave carefully studied above also grow in Guadaloupe,and it is even supposed that it was the inhabitants of thisisland who originally carried the seeds of all these deliciousfruits to the other islands.

In conducting their man-hunts, the Caribs have scouredall the neighbouring countries; and whatever they foundthat was likely to be useful to them, they brought backfor cultivation. These islanders are inhospitable andsuspicious, and their conquest can only be accomplishedby using force. Both sexes use poisoned arrows and arevery good shots; so that, whenever the men leave theisland on an expedition, the women defend themselveswith masculine courage against any assailants. It is nodoubt this fact that has given rise to the exploded beliefthat there are islands in this ocean peopled entirely bywomen. The Admiral Columbus induced me to believethis tale and I repeated it in my First Decade.

In the island of Guadaloupe there are mountains andfertile plains; it is watered by beautiful streams. Honeyis found in the trees and crevices of the rocks, and, as isthe case at Palma, one of the Fortunate Isles, honey isgathered amongst briar and bramble bushes.

The island recently named La Deseada lies eighteenmiles distant from the former island, and is twenty milesin circumference.

There is another charming island lying ten miles to thesouth of Guadaloupe, which is called Galante; its surfaceis level and it is thirty miles in circumference. Its namewas suggested by its beauty, for, in the Spanish, dandiesare called galanes.[3]

[Note 3: The island was, in reality, named after one of the ships of Columbus.]

Nine miles to the east of Guadaloupe lie six otherislands called Todos Santos and Barbadas. These areonly barren reefs, but mariners are obliged to know them.Thirty-five miles north of Guadaloupe looms theisland called Montserrat, which is forty miles in circumference,and is dominated by a very lofty mountain.An island called Antigua, thirty miles distant fromGuadaloupe, has a circumference of about forty miles.

The Admiral Diego Columbus, son of the discoverer,told me that when obliged to go to court he left his wifein Hispaniola, and that she had written him that an islandwith rich gold deposits had been discovered in the midstof the archipelago of the Caribs, but that it had not yetbeen visited. Off the left coast of Hispaniola there liesto the south and near to the port of Beata an island calledAlta Vela. Most astonishing things are told concerningsea monsters found there, especially about the turtles,which are, so it is said, larger than a large breast shield.When the breeding time arrives they come out of the sea,and dig a deep hole in the sand, in which they depositthree or four hundred eggs. When all their eggs are laid,they cover up the hole with a quantity of earth sufficientto hide them, and go back to their feeding grounds inthe sea, without paying further heed to their progeny.When the day, fixed by nature, for the birth of theseanimals arrives, a swarm of turtles comes into the world,without the assistance of their progenitors, and onlyaided by the sun's rays. It looks like an ant-hill. Theeggs are almost as large as those of a goose, and the flavourof turtle meat is compared to veal.

There is a large number of other islands, but they areas yet unknown, and moreover it is not required to siftal1 this meal so carefully through the sieve. It is sufficientto know that we have in our control immense countrieswhere, in the course of centuries, our compatriots, ourlanguage, our morals, and our religion will flourish. Itwas not from one day to another that the Teucrianspeopled Asia, the Tyrians Libya, or the Greeks andPhoenicians Spain.

I do not mention the islands which protect the northof Hispaniola; they have extensive fisheries and mightbe cultivated, but the Spaniards avoid them becausethey are poor. And now adieu, ancient Tethys:

Jam valeant annosa Tethys, nymphæque madentes,
Ipsius comites; veniat coronata superbe
Australis pelagi cultrix, re ac nomine dives.[4]

[Note 4: The following English translation for these lines has been suggested:

Farewell, old Tethys, ocean goddess old;
Farewell thy company, the Nereid band;
And come thou, rich in name and pearls and gold
Crowned royally, Queen of the Southern strand.]

In the volume of letters I sent Your Holiness last year,by one of my servants, and which Your Holiness has readin its entirety before the Cardinals of the Apostolic Seeand your beloved sister, I related that on the same daythe Church celebrates the feast of St. Michael the Archangel,Vasco Nuñez de Balboa, the leader of the men whohad crossed the lofty mountain chain, had been told thatan island remarkable for the size of its pearls lay withinsight of the coast and that its king was rich and powerfuland often made war against the caciques whose stateslay on the coast, especially Chiapes and Tumaco. Wehave written that the Spaniards did not attack the islandbecause of the great storms which render that SouthSea dangerous, during three months of the year. Thisisland has now been conquered and we have tamed itsproud cacique. May Your Holiness deign to accepthim and all his rich principalities, since he has nowreceived the waters of baptism. It will not be out ofplace to remember under whose orders and by whomthis conquest was effected. May Your Holiness attendwith serene brow and benignant ear to the account of thisenterprise.

BOOK X

As soon as he landed, the governor, Pedro Arias,confided to a certain Gaspar Morales an expeditionto Isla Rica.[1] Morales first passed bythe country of Chiapes, called Chiapeios, and of Tumaco,those two caciques along the South Sea who werefriends of Vasco. He and his men were received magnificentlyas friends, and a fleet was equipped for attackingthe island. This island is called Rica and notMargarita, although many pearls are found there; forthe name Margarita was first bestowed upon anotherisland near Paria and the region called Boca de la Sierpe,where many pearls had likewise been found. Moraleslanded upon the island with only sixty men, the dimensionsof his boats, called culches, not permitting him totake a larger number. The proud and formidable kingof the island, whose name I have not learned, advancedto meet them, escorted by a large number of warriors,and proffering menaces. Guazzaciara is their war-cry;when they utter this cry, they let fly their javelins; theydo not use bows. Guazzaciara means a battle; so theyengaged in four guazzaciaras, in which the Spaniards,aided by their allies of Chiapes and Tumaco, who werethat chieftain's enemies, were victorious. Their attackwas in the nature of a surprise. The cacique wished to assemblea larger army, but was dissuaded by his neighboursalong the coast from continuing the struggle. Some bytheir example, and others by threatening him with theruin of a flourishing country, demonstrated that the friendshipof the Spaniards would bring glory and profit to himselfand his friends. They reminded him of the misfortuneswhich had the preceding year befallen Poncha, Pochorroso,Quarequa, Chiapes, Tumaco, and others who attemptedto resist. The cacique gave up fighting and came to meetthe Spaniards, whom he conducted to his palace, which wasa veritable royal residence marvellously decorated. Upontheir arrival at his house he presented them with a verywell-wrought basket filled with pearls of ten pounds weight,at eight ounces to the pound.

[Note 1: The description at this point is inaccurate and misleading. Thepearl islands number in all one hundred and eighty-three, forming anarchipelago. There are thirty-nine islands of considerable size, of whichthe principal ones are San José, San Miguel, and Isla del Rey; the othersare small, some being no more than reefs, or isolated rocks rising abovethe surface of the sea.]

The cacique was overjoyed when they presented him withtheir usual trifles, such as glass beads, mirrors, copper bells,and perhaps some iron hatchets, for the natives prizethese things more than heaps of gold. In fact, they evenmake fun of the Spaniards for exchanging such importantand useful articles for such a little gold. Hatchets canbe put to a thousand uses among them, while gold ismerely a not indispensable luxury. Pleased and enchantedby his bargains, the cacique, took the captain and hisofficers by the hand and led them to the top of one ofthe towers of his house from whence the view embracedan immense horizon towards the sea. Looking abouthim, he said: "Behold the infinite ocean which has no endtowards the rising sun." He pointed to the east, andafterwards turning to the south and the west he gavethem to understand that the continent, on which thevast mountain ranges were perceptible in the distance,was very large. Glancing about nearer to them, he said:"These islands lying to the left and right along the twocoasts of our residence belong to us. They are all rich;they are all happy, if you call lands happy which aboundin gold and pearls. In this particular place there is notmuch gold, but the shores of all these islands are strewnwith pearls, and I will give you as many as you wantif you will be my friends. I prefer your manufacturesto my pearls, and I wish to possess them. Therefore donot imagine that I desire to break off relations with you."

Such were the words, amongst many others similar,they exchanged. When the Spaniards planned to leave,the cacique promised to send each year as a present tothe great king of Castile a hundred pounds of pearls,at eight ounces to the pound. He made this promisevoluntarily, attaching little importance to it, and in noway considering himself their tributary.

There are so many rabbits and deer in that island that,without leaving their houses, the Spaniards could kill asmany as they chose with their arrows. Their life therewas luxurious, and nothing was wanting. The royalresidence lies only six degrees from the equator. Yucca,maize bread, and wine made from grains and fruits, arethe same as at Comogra or amongst the other continentaland insular tribes.

The cacique, Most Holy Father, was baptised with allhis people who are become as sheep under their shepherdto increase your flock. Pedro Arias, the governor, wishedto bestow his name upon them. The friendship establishedincreased, and the cacique, to assist the Spaniardsto regain the continent more easily, lent them his fishermen'sculches, that is to say barques dug out of treetrunksin the native fashion. He also accompaniedthem to the shore.

After setting aside the fifth for the royal officials,the Spaniards divided amongst themselves the pearls theyhad secured. They say they are extremely valuable.Here is a proof of the great value of the pearls from thatisland. Many of them are white and have a beautifulorient, and are as large or even larger than a nut. Whathas quickened my recollection is the remembrance of apearl which the Sovereign Pontiff, Paul, predecessor ofYour Holiness, bought from a Venetian merchant throughthe intermediary of my relative Bartolomeo the Milanese,for forty-four thousand ducats. Now amongst the pearlsbrought from the island there is one equal in size to an ordinarynut. It was sold at auction and bought at Darienfor twelve thousand castellanos of gold, ending in the handsof the governor, Pedro Arias. This precious pearl nowbelongs to his wife, of whom we have already spoken at thetime of his departure. We may assume, therefore, thatthis pearl was the most precious of all, since it was valuedso highly amongst that mass of pearls which were bought,not singly, but by the ounce. It is probable that theVenetian merchant had not paid such a price in the Eastfor the pearl of Pope Paul; but he lived at a time whensuch objects were greedily sought and a lover of pearlswas waiting to swallow it.

Let us now say something of the shells in which pearlsgrow. Your Beatitude is not ignorant of the fact that Aristotle,and Pliny who followed the former in his theories, werenot of the same opinion concerning the growth of pearls.They held but one point in common, and upon all othersthey differed. Neither would admit that pearl oystersmoved after they were once formed. They declare thatthere exist at the bottom of the sea, meadows, as it were,upon which an aromatic plant resembling thyme grows;they affirm they had seen these fields. In such placesthese animals resembling oysters are born and grow,engendering about them numerous progeny. They arenot satisfied to have one, three, four, or even more pearls,for as many as a hundred and twenty pearls have beenfound in one shell on the fisheries of that island; and thecaptain, Caspar Morales, and his companions carefullycounted them. While the Spaniards were there, thecacique had his divers bring up pearls. The matrix ofthese pearl oysters may be compared to the organ in whichhens form their numerous eggs. The pearls are producedin the following manner: as soon as they are ripe and leavethe womb of their mother, they are found detached fromthe lips of the matrix. They follow one by one each inturn detaching itself, after a brief interval. In thebeginning the pearls are enclosed, as it were, in the bellyof the oyster, where they grow just as a child while in thewomb of its mother lives on the substance of her body.Later on they leave the maternal asylum, where they werehidden. The pearl oysters found––as I myself have seenfrom time to time––upon the beach and imbedded in thesand on different Atlantic coasts, have been cast up fromthe depths of the sea by storms, and do not come thereof themselves. Why brilliant morning dew gives awhite tint to pearls; why bad weather causes them toturn yellow; why they like a clear sky, and remain immovablewhen it thunders, are questions which cannotbe examined with precision by those ignorant natives.It is not a subject that can be treated by limited minds.It is further said that the largest pearl oysters remainat the bottom, the commoner ones in the half-depths,and the little ones near the surface; but the reasons givento sustain this theory are poor ones. The immovablemollusc does not reason about the choice of its home.Everything depends on the determination, the ability,and the breath of the divers. The large pearl oystersdo not move about; they are created and find theirsustenance in the deepest places, for the number of diverswho venture to penetrate to the bottom of the sea tocollect them is few. They are afraid of polyps, which aregreedy for oyster meat and are always grouped about theplaces where they are. They are likewise afraid of othersea-monsters, and most of all they fear to suffocate ifthey stay too long under water. The pearl oysters inthe profoundest depths of the sea consequently have timeto grow, and the larger and older the shell becomes,the larger the pearls they harbour, though in number theyare few. Those born at the bottom of the sea are believedto become food for the fish; when first gathered they aresoft, and the shape of the ear is different from the largerones. It is alleged that no pearl adheres to the shell asit grows old, but there grows in the shell itself a sort ofround and brilliant lump which acquires lustre by filing.This, however, is not valuable, and takes its naturerather from the shell than from the pearl. The Spaniardscall the tympanum pati.[2] Sometimes pearl oysters havebeen found growing in small colonies upon rocks, but theyare not prized. It is credible that the oysters of India,Arabia, the Red Sea, and Ceylon exist in the mannerdescribed by celebrated authors, nor should the explanationsgiven by such eminent writers be entirelyrejected; I speak of those who have been for a long timein contradiction with one another.

[Note 2: Pati appellat Hispanus tympanum; a sentence for which the translatorhas found no satisfactory meaning.]

We have already spoken enough about these sea-animalsand their eggs, which luxury-loving peoplestupidly prefer to the eggs of chickens or ducks. Letus add some further details outside our subject.

We have above described the entrance to the Gulf ofUraba, and said the different countries washed by itswaters were strangely different from one another. I havenothing new to relate of the western shore, where theSpaniards established their colony on the banks of theDarien River.

What I have recently learnt about the eastern shore isas follows: the entire country lying to the east betweenthe promontory and shore which extend into the seaand receive the force of the waves, as far as Boca de laSierpe and Paria, is called by the general name of Caribana.Caribs are found everywhere, and are called from the nameof their country,[3] but it is well to indicate from whencethe Caribs take their origin, and how, after leaving theircountry, they have spread everywhere like a deadlycontagion. Nine miles from the first coast encounteredcoming from seawards where, as we have said, Hojedasettled, stands in the province of Caribana a village calledFuteraca; three miles farther on is the village of Uraba,which gives its name to the gulf and was formerly thecapital of the kingdom. Six miles farther on is thevillage of Feti, and at the ninth and twelfth miles respectivelystand the villages of Zeremoe and Sorachi, allthickly populated. All the natives in these parts indulgedin man-hunts, and when there are no enemies to fightthey practise their cruelties on one another. From thisplace the infection has spread to the unfortunate inhabitantsof the islands and continent.

[Note 3: There are more theories than one concerning the origin of the Caribsand their name. Among other writers who have treated this subjectmay be cited Reville, in an article published in the Nouvelle Revue, 1884,and Rochefort in his Histoire naturelle et morale des isles Antilles.]

There is another fact I think I should not omit. Alearned lawyer called Corales, who is a judge at Darien,reported that he encountered a fugitive from the interiorprovinces of the west, who sought refuge with the cacique.This man, seeing the judge reading, started with surprise,and asked through interpreters who knew the cacique'slanguage, "You also have books? You also understandthe signs by which you communicate with the absent?"He asked at the same time to look at the open book,hoping to see the same characters used among his people;but he saw the letters were not the same. He said that inhis country the towns were walled and the citizens woreclothing and were governed by laws. I have not learnedthe nature of their religion, but it is known from examiningthis fugitive, and from his speech, that they are circumcised.[4]What, Most Holy Father, do you think of this?What augury do you, to whose domination time willsubmit all peoples, draw for the future?

[Note 4: ... recutiti tamen dispræputiatique, ab exemplo et sermone fugitiviconfererunt. The man may have been a Peruvian or of the civilisedplateau people of Cundinamarca. Wiener, in his interesting work, Perouet Bolivie, studies the Peruvian system of writing.]

Let us add to these immense considerations some mattersof less importance. I think that I should not omitmentioning the voyage of Juan Solis,[5] who sailed fromthe ocean port of Lepe, near Cadiz, with three ships, thefourth day of the ides of September, 1515, to explorethe southern coasts of what was supposed to be a continent.Nor do I wish to omit mention of Juan Ponce,[6] commissionedto conquer the Caribs, anthropophagi who feedon human flesh; or of Juan Ayora de Badajoz, or FranciscoBezerra, and of Valleco, already mentioned by me.Solis was not successful in his mission. He set out todouble the cape or promontory of San Augustin and tofollow the coast of the supposed continent as far as theequator. We have already indicated that this cape liesin the seventh degree of the antarctic pole. Solis continuedsix hundred leagues farther on, and observed that thecape San Augustin extended so far beyond the equatorto the south that it reached beyond the thirtieth degree ofthe Southern Hemisphere. He therefore sailed for a longdistance beyond the Boca de la Sierpe and Spanish Paria,which face the north and the pole star. In these partsare found some of those abominable anthropophagi,Caribs, whom I have mentioned before. With fox-likeastuteness these Caribs feigned amicable signs, butmeanwhile prepared their stomachs for a succulent repast;and from their first glimpse of the strangers their mouthswatered like tavern trenchermen. The unfortunateSolis landed with as many of his companions as he couldcrowd into the largest of the barques, and was treacherouslyset upon by a multitude of natives who killed himand his men with clubs in the presence of the remainderof his crew.[7] Not a soul escaped; and after havingkilled and cut them in pieces on the shore, the nativesprepared to eat them in full view of the Spaniards, whofrom their ships witnessed this horrible sight. Frightenedby these atrocities, the men did not venture to landand execute vengeance for the murder of their leaderand companions. They loaded their ships with red wood,which the Italians call verzino and the Spaniards brazil-wood,and which is suitable for dyeing wool; after whichthey returned home. I have learned these particularsby correspondence, and I here repeat them. I shallfurther relate what the other explorers accomplished.

[Note 5: Juan Diaz de Solis, a native of Sebixa, sailed with Vincente YañezPinzon in 1508, when the mouths of the Amazon were discovered. In1512, the King appointed him and Giovanni Vespucci his cartographers.]

[Note 6: Governor in 1508 of Porto Rico and later, in 1512, the discoverer ofFlorida, of which country he was appointed Adelantado by King Ferdinand.He died in Cuba in 1521, from the effects of a wound received during hisexpedition to Florida in that year.]

[Note 7: The scene of this massacre was between Maldonado and Montevideo.]

Juan Ponce likewise endured a severe check from thecannibals on the island of Guadaloupe, which is the mostimportant of all the Carib islands. When these peoplebeheld the Spanish ships, they concealed themselves in aplace from which they could spy upon all the movementsof the people who might land. Ponce had sent somewomen ashore to wash some shirts and linen, and alsosome foot-soldiers to obtain fresh water, for he had notseen land after leaving the island of Ferro in the Canariesuntil he reached Guadaloupe, a distance of four thousandtwo hundred miles. There is no island in the ocean throughoutthe entire distance. The cannibals suddenly attackedand captured the women, dispersing the men, a small numberof whom managed to escape. Ponce did not ventureto attack the Caribs, fearing the poisoned arrows whichthese barbarous man-eaters use with fatal effect.

This excellent Ponce who, as long as he was in a placeof safety, had boasted that he would exterminate theCaribs, was constrained to leave his washerwomen andretreat before the islanders. What he has since done,and what discoveries he may have made, I have not yetlearned. Thus Solis lost his life, and Ponce his honour,in carrying out their expeditions.

Another who failed miserably in his undertaking thesame year is Juan Ayora de Cordova, a nobleman sentout as judge, as we have elsewhere said, and who waskeener about accumulating a fortune than he was aboutadministering his office, and deserving praise. Undersome pretext or other he robbed several caciques andextorted gold from them, in defiance of all justice. It isrelated that he treated them so cruelly that, from beingfriends, they became implacable enemies, and driven to extremitiesthey massacred the Spaniards, sometimes openlyand sometimes by setting traps for them. In places whereformerly trade relations were normal and the caciquesfriendly, it became necessary to fight. When, so it issaid, he had amassed a large amount of gold by suchmeans, Ayora fled on board a ship he suddenly procured,and it is not known at this present writing where helanded. There are not wanting people who believe thatthe governor himself, Pedro Arias, closed his eyes to thissecret flight; for Juan Ayora is a brother of GonzalesAyora, the royal historiographer, who is a learned man,an excellent captain, and so intimate with the governorthat he and Pedro Arias may be cited amongst the rarepairs of friends known to us. I am in very close relationswith both of them, and may they both pardon me; butamidst all the troubles in the colonies, nothing has displeasedme so much as the cupidity of this Juan Ayora,which troubled the public peace of the colonies andalienated the caciques.

Let us now come to the tragic adventures of Gonzalesde Badajoz and his companions. In the beginningfortune smiled upon them, but sufficiently sad changesvery quickly followed. Gonzales left Darien with fortysoldiers in the month of March of the preceding year,1515, and marched straight to the west, stopping nowhereuntil he reached the region the Spaniards havenamed Gracias á Dios, as we have above stated. Thisplace is about a hundred and eighty miles, or sixty leaguesfrom Darien. They passed several days there doingnothing, because the commander was unable either byinvitations, bribes, or threats to induce the cacique toapproach him, although he desired very much to accomplishthis. While camping here he was joined by fifteenadventurers from Darien, under the leadership of LuisMercado who had left that colony in May, wishing tojoin Gonzales in exploring the interior. As soon as thetwo groups met, they decided to cross the southern mountainchain and take possession of the South Sea alreadydiscovered. The most extraordinary thing of all is, thaton a continent of such length and breadth, the distanceto the South Sea was not more than fifty-one miles, orseventeen leagues. In Spain people never count bymiles; the land league equals three miles, and the marineleague four miles. When they reached the summit of themountain chain, which is the watershed, they found therea cacique called Javana. Both the country and its rulerbear the name of Coiba, as we have already stated is thecase, at Careta. As the country of Javana is the richestof all in gold, it is called Coiba Rica. And in fact,wherever one digs, whether on dry land or in the river-beds,the sand is found to contain gold. The caciqueJavana fled when the Spaniards approached, nor was itpossible to overtake him. They then set to work to ravagethe neighbourhood of his town, but found very littlegold, for the cacique had taken with him in his flighteverything he possessed. They found, however, someslaves who were branded in a painful fashion. Thenatives cut lines in the faces of the slaves, using a sharppoint either of gold or of a thorn; they then fill the woundswith a kind of powder dampened with black or red juice,which forms an indelible dye and never disappears. TheSpaniards took these slaves with them. It seems thatthis juice is corrosive and produces such terrible painthat the slaves are unable to eat on account of theirsufferings. Both the kings who originally capturedthese slaves in war, and also the Spaniards, put them towork hunting gold or tilling the fields.

Leaving the town of Javana, the Spaniards followed thewatershed for ten miles, and entered the territory of anotherchief, whom they called the "Old Man," because they wereheedless of his name and took notice only of his age. Everywherein the country of this cacique, both in the riverbedsand in the soil, gold was found. Streams were abundantand the county was everywhere rich and fertile. Leavingthat place, the Spaniards marched for five days througha desert country which they thought had been devastatedby war, for though the greater part of it was fertile, it wasneither inhabited nor cultivated. On the fifth day theyperceived in the distance two heavily laden natives,approaching them. Marching upon them, they capturedthe men, and found that they were carrying sacks ofmaize on their shoulders. From the answers of thesemen they gathered that there were two caciques in theseregions, one on the coast, called Periqueta, another inthe interior, called Totonogo; the latter being blind.These two men were fishermen who had been sent bytheir cacique Totonogo, to Periqueta, with a burden offish, which they had traded for bread.[8] Trade is thereaboutscarried on by exchange in kind, and not by meansof gold, which claims so many victims. Led by thesetwo natives, the Spaniards reached the country ofTotonogo, the cacique whose country extends along thewest side of the gulf of San Miguel on the south sea.This chieftain gave them six thousand castellanos ofgold, partly in ingots and partly worked; amongst theformer was one which weighed two castellanos, provingthat gold exists in abundance in this region.

[Note 8: There has evidently at some time been an error of transcription:the cacique Totonogo, who is first mentioned as ruling along the sea-coast,is now described as sending fish to his neighbour Periqueta.]

Following along the western coast, the Spaniards visitedthe cacique Taracuru, from whom they obtained eightthousand pesos; a peso, as we have already said, correspondingto an unminted castellano. They next marchedinto the country of his brother Pananome, who fled andwas seen no more. His subjects declared the country tobe rich in gold. The Spaniards destroyed his residence.Six leagues farther on they came to the country of anothercacique called Tabor, and then to that of another calledCheru. The latter received the Spaniards amicably,and offered them four thousand pesos. He possessesvaluable salt deposits, and the country is rich in gold.Twelve miles farther they came to another cacique calledAnata, from whom they obtained twelve thousand pesos,which the cacique had captured from neighbouringchieftains whom he had conquered. This gold was evenscorched, because it had been carried out of the burninghouses of his enemies. These caciques rob and massacreone another, and destroy their villages, during theiratrocious wars. They give no quarter, and the victorsmake a clean sweep of everything.[9]

[Note 9: This was everywhere the case on the mainland; while it does not excusethe cruelties inflicted by the Spaniards upon the native populations intheir rapacious struggle for wealth, it may temper the undiscriminatingsympathy of the emotional to reflect that oppression, torture, extortion, andslavery, not to mention human sacrifices and cannibalism were practisedamong them with a hideous ingenuity upon which no refinement introducedby the Spaniards could improve.]

In this wise the excellent Gonzales de Badajoz and hiscompanions wandered, without any fixed plan, until theycame to the territory of Anata; and during their journeythey had collected piles of gold, girdles, women's breastornaments, earrings, headdresses, necklaces, and bracelets,to the value of eighty thousand castellanos more. Thisthey had acquired, either by trading their merchandiseor by pillage and violence; for the majority of the caciqueshad opposed their passage and had sought to resist them.They had in addition forty slaves, whom they used asbeasts of burden to carry their provisions and baggage,and also to care for the sick.

The Spaniards traversed the country of a cacique,Scoria, and arrived at the residence of another calledPariza. They did not expect to be attacked, but thecacique closed about them with a great number of armedmen, surprising them at a moment when they were offtheir guard and scattered. They had no time to seizetheir weapons; seventy of them were wounded or killed,and the rest fled, abandoning their gold and all their slaves.Very few of them ever came back to Darien.

The opinion of all the sages upon the vicissitudes offortune and the inconstancy of human affairs would proveunfounded if this expedition had terminated profitablyand happily; but the ordering of events is inevitable,and those who tear up the roots, sometimes find sweetliquorice and sometimes bitter cockle. Woe, however,to Pariza! for he shall not long rest quietly. Thisgreat crime will soon be avenged. The governor waspreparing to lead a campaign against him in person atthe head of three hundred and fifty men when he fell ill.The learned jurisconsult, Caspar Espinosa, royal judgeat Darien, took his place and acted as his lieutenant;at the same time the Spaniards sent to the island calledRica to collect the tribute of pearls imposed upon itscacique. We shall in due course learn what happened.

Other leaders marched against the dwellers on the otherside of the gulf; one of whom, Francisco Bezerra, crossedthe head of the gulf and the mouth of the Dabaiba River.His band consisted of two officers and a hundred andfifty well-armed soldiers. His plan was to attack theCaribs in the country of Caribana itself. He first marchedagainst the village of Turufy, of which I have spoken whendescribing the arrival of Hojeda. He was provided withengines of war, three cannon firing lead bullets largerthan an egg, forty archers, and twenty-five musketeers.It was planned to fire upon the Caribs from a distancebecause they fight with poisoned arrows. It is not yetknown where Bezerra landed nor what he did; but it wasfeared at Darien when the vessels were leaving for Spain,that his expedition had turned out badly.

Another captain, called Vallejo, carried on operationsalong the lower part of the gulf, crossing over by anotherroute than that taken by Bezerra; thus one of themmenaced Caribana from the front and the other frombehind. Vallejo has come back, but out of seventy menhe took with him, forty-eight wounded were left in thepower of the Caribs. This is the story told by those whoreached Darien, and I repeat it.

On the eve of the ides of October of this year, 1516,Roderigo Colmenares, whom I have above mentioned,and a certain Francisco de la Puente belonging to thetroop commanded by Gonzales de Badajoz came to see me.The latter was amongst those who escaped the massacreexecuted by the cacique Pariza. Colmenares himselfleft Darien for Spain after the vanquished arrived.Both of them report, one from hearsay and the otherfrom observation, that a number of islands lie in the SouthSea to the west of the gulf of San Miguel and the Isla Ricaand that on these islands trees, bearing the same fruitsas in the country of Calicut, grow and are cultivated.It is from the countries of Calicut, Cochin, and Camemorthat the Portuguese procure spices. Thus it is thoughtthat not far from the colony of San Miguel begins thecountry where spices grow. Many of those who haveexplored these regions only await the authorisation to sailfrom that coast of the South Sea; and they offer to buildships at their own cost, if they only be commissioned to seekfor the spice lands. These men think that ships shouldbe built in the gulf of San Miguel itself, and that the ideaof following the coast in the direction of Cape San Augustinshould be abandoned, as that route would be too long,too difficult, and too dangerous. Moreover it would takethem beyond the fortieth degree of the southern hemisphere.

This same Francisco, who shared the labours andthe perils of Gonzales says, that in exploring thosecountries he saw veritable herds of deer and wild boar,of which he captured many in the native fashion bydigging ditches across the trails followed by these animalsand covering them over with branches; this is the nativemethod of trapping these wild quadrupeds. In catchingbirds they use doves just as we do. They tie a tame dovein the trees, and the birds of each species which flockabout it are then shot with arrows. Another way is byspreading a net in an open space, sprinkling food roundabout it, and placing the tame dove in the middle. Thesame system is used with parrots and other birds. Theparrots are so stupid that, while one chatters on a treein whose branches the bird-catcher is concealed, the othersflock thither, and allow themselves to be easily caught.They are not frightened when they see the bird-catcher,but sit looking until the noose is thrown round theirnecks. Even when they see one of their companionscaptured and thrown into the hunter's bag, they do notfly away.

There is another system of bird-hunting which is quiteoriginal and diverting to relate. We have already statedthat there exist in the islands, and especially at Hispaniola,stagnant lakes and ponds upon whose waters flutters awhole world of aquatic birds, because those waters arecovered with grasses, and little fish and a thousandvarieties of frogs, worms, and insects live in that liquidmud. The work of corruption and generation ordainedby the secret decree of providence is promoted in thesedepths by the heat of the sun. Different species of birdsswarm in these waters: ducks, geese, swans, divers, gulls,sea-mews, and countless similar.

We have elsewhere related that the natives cultivatea tree in their gardens, whose fruit resembles a largegourd. The natives throw a large quantity of thesegourds into the ponds, after having carefully stopped upthe holes by which water is introduced into them, toprevent their sinking. These gourds, floating abouton the water, inspire the birds with confidence; thehunter then covers his head with a sort of cask madeof a gourd, one in which there are little holes for his eyes,like in a mask. He wades into the water up to hischin, for from their infancy they are all accustomed toswim, and do not fear to remain a long time in the water.As the birds find the gourd which conceals the huntersimilar to all the others floating about, the man is ableto approach the flock. Imitating with his head the movementsof the floating gourd, he follows the little wavesproduced by the wind, and gradually approaches thebirds. Stretching out his right hand he seizes a bird bythe foot, and without being seen, quickly jerks it underthe water and thrusts it into a bag he carries. Theother birds imagining their companion has dived insearch of food, as they all do, fearlessly continue theirmovements, and in their turns become victims of thehunter.

I interrupted my narrative with this description ofbird-hunting and other sport, in order that these harmlesstales might divert you from the horror you must havefelt in reading the story of so many crimes. I shouldstill like to speak to you concerning a new theory of thecurrent which drives the waters of the gulf of Pariatowards the west; and also of the system of gold-miningin Darien. These are particulars which have just recentlybeen furnished me. After this dual report, whichwill be in no sense tragic, I shall take leave of YourHoliness.

The Captain Andreas Morales and Oviedo, whom I haveabove mentioned, came to visit me at Madrid, or to bemore accurate, at Mantua Carpetana; and in my presencethey had a discussion on the subject of this current.They agree that the Spanish possessions extend withoutinterruption towards the northern lands behind Cubaand the other islands, and to the north-west of Hispaniolaand Cuba; but they do not hold the same opinion concerningthe current. Andreas claims that the force ofthese waters is broken by the great body of land believedto be a continent, and which, as we have said, bendstowards the north, in such wise that, breaking againstthese obstacles, the waters turn in a circle and are driventowards the northern coasts of Cuba and the other landslying outside the Tropic of Cancer. Thus, these waters,which flow from narrow straits are absorbed, as it were,in the immensity of the ocean, and their force is diminishedas they spread through immense spaces where theyultimately disappear. I might compare this current tothe eddies of water in a mill-race. Water flowing, nomatter how rapidly, through a narrow canal, and afterwardsfalling into a lake, at once spreads out; the volumeis broken, and although an instant before it flowedriotously, and seemed capable of sweeping away everyobstacle, it is calmed. Even the direction of the currentis no longer perceptible. I once questioned AdmiralDiego Columbus, son and heir of the discoverer, who hadcrossed these seas, coming and going, four times. Whenasked his opinion, he answered: "It is difficult to returnas one went; but upon sailing northwards on the openocean to return to Spain, the movement in the watersdriving towards the east is very perceptible. I thinkthis is probably due to the ordinary influence of ebb andflow, and should not be attributed to those eddyings ofthe waters. The continent is open, and there must existbetween the two bodies a strait through which theseturbulent waters escape to the west. In obedience to adecree of Heaven, they circulate throughout the entireuniverse."

Oviedo agrees with Andreas in thinking that the continentis closed, but he does not believe that this westernmass of the continent breaks the current, driving it intothe vast ocean. He likewise affirms that he has carefullynoted that the current running westwards, takes its rise inthe open sea; when following along the coast in smallships, it is the current running eastwards that is struck,so that one may be transported in two opposite directionsat the same spot. This is a phenomenon whichmay frequently be observed in rivers, where the conformationof the banks gives rise to whirlpools. Ifstraws or bits of wood are thrown into the river at sucha place, those which fall into the middle are carried awayby the current; on the contrary, those which drop intosome bend along the shore or by a slanting bank, go upthe current until they again drift into the middle of theriver.

Such are their opinions, and I repeat them, although theyare in contradiction. We shall form no well-groundedopinion until the true cause of this phenomenon has beenverified. Meanwhile it is only possible to set forththese different theories, until the day fixed and theastronomical moment for the discovery of this secret ofNature shall arrive. But enough concerning these pelagiccurrents.

Some few more words about gold mines at Darien,and we shall have accomplished our task.

We have said that nine miles from Darien begin thehills and plains containing gold deposits, either in theearth or in the bed or the banks of the rivers. Any onewho has been bitten by the gold fever usually sets out asfollows: the directors assign him a parcel of ground twelvepaces square, which he may choose as he pleases, oncondition that it is not land that has already been occupiedor abandoned by his companions. When he has madehis choice, he settles on that spot with his slaves, as thoughwithin a temple, whose limits the Augurs have tracedwith their sacred staves. The Christians use nativelabour both in the mines and in agriculture. This plotof land may be held as long as the occupant wishes;and in case no gold, or very little, should be found there,a request for a fresh square of like dimensions is presented,and the parcel of abandoned land reverts to the commondemesne. This is the order followed by the colonistsof Darien who are engaged in gold-seeking. I think itis the same for the others, but I have not questionedall of them. Sometimes such a parcel of twelve pacessquare has netted its possessor the sum of eighty castellanos.Such is the life people lead to satisfy the sacredhunger for gold;[10] but the richer one becomes by such work,the more does one desire to possess. The more wood isthrown on the fire, the more it crackles and spreads.The sufferer from dropsy, who thinks to appease histhirst by drinking, only excites it the more. I havesuppressed many details to which I may later returnif I learn that they afford pleasure to Your Holiness,charged with the weight of religious questions and sittingat the summit of the honours to which men mayaspire. It is in no sense for my personal pleasurethat I have collected these facts, for only the desire toplease Your Beatitude has induced me to undertake thislabour.

[Note 10: Sic vivitur in sacra fame auri explenda.]

May Providence, which watches over this world,grant to Your Holiness many happy years.

END OF VOL. I.

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De Orbe Novo, Volume 1 (of 2)
The Eight Decades of Peter Martyr D'Anghera (2024)

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